The  New  Mexico  Campaign 
in  .11862, 


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Battleflag  of  the  First  Colorado  Regiment. 

(From  a photograph  of  tin*  Hag,  which  is  now  in  the  War- relic  Department  of  the  Head- 
quarters of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  Department  of  Colorado  and  Wyoming, 
in  the  Capitol  at  Denver.) 

The  rents  shown  in  the  upper  part  of  the  engraving  were  made  by  Confederate  grapeshot  in 
the  second  engagement  in  La  Glorieta  Pass,  March  28.  1862.  Major  Jacob  Downing,  of 
Denver,  stated  that  the  color-bearer  was  Sergeant  William  B.  Moore,  of  his  company 
(D).  who  was  promoted  Second  Lieutenant  shortly  after  the  battle. 


Colorado  Volunteers 
in  the  Civil  War 


The  N ew  Mexico  Campaign  in  1862 


BY 

William  Clarke  Whitford,  D.D. 

PRESIDENT  OF  MILTON  COLLEGE 


ILLUSTRATED 


DENVER 

THE  STATE  HISTORICAL  AND  NATURAL  HISTORY  SOCIETY 

I906 


PUBLICATIONS  OF 

THE  STATE  HISTORICAL  AND  NATURAL  HISTORY  SOCIETY 
OP  COLORADO 


Historical  Series,  I 


THE  ROWERS  COLLECTION 


TC5.T3 

V5U 


w 


C 


CONTENTS. 


Introductory 17 

Preliminary  Confederate  Plans  and  Operations  in  the  South- 
west   26 

Conditions  in  Colorado  Territory  in  1861 36 

General  Sibley's  Movement  Up  the  Rio  Grande  Valley 56 

Advance  of  the  First  Colorado  Regiment  into  New  Mexico.  . . 75 

The  Fight  in  the  Apache  Canon 85 

The  Decisive  Battle 98 

Precipitate  Retreat  of  the  Confederates  from  New  Mexico.  . . . 128- 

Conclusion  . 143 


503313 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Battleflag  of  the  First  Colorado  Regiment Frontispiece 

Albuquerque,  View  in  Old 129 

Anthony,  Captain  Scott  !.,  Portrait  of 154 

Apache  Canon,  View  of  Lower  Battlefield  in  the 95 

Apache  Canon.  View  of  Upper  Battlefield  in  the 88 

Armijo  Mill,  View  of  the  Site  of  the,  at  Albuquerque 131 

Armijo  Residence  in  Old  Albuquerque,  View  of 72 

Arms  Used  by  the  Colorado  Volunteers 151 

Banner  of  the  Veteran  Battalion  of  the  First  Colorado  Regi- 
ment   148 

Baylor.  Lieutenant-Colonel  John  R.,  Portrait  of 29 

Bridge  in  the  Apache  Canon,  Near  View  of  the 91 

Camp  Lewis,  View  of  the  Site  of,  at  Kozlowski’s  Ranch 83 

Canby,  Colonel  Edward  R.  S.,  Portrait  of 2 7 

Cannon,  Burial-Place  of  General  Sibley’s,  at  Albuquerque, 

View  of 137 

Cannon,  Four  of  the,  Buried  by  General  Sibley  at  Albuquerque  139 

Carson,  Colonel  Kit,  Portrait  of 68 

Chivington,  Major  John  M.,  Portrait  of 51 

Cook,  Captain  Samuel  H.,  Portrait  of 92 

Denver  City  in  the  Civil  War  Period,  View  of 54 

Ditch  in  which  Colonel  Canby  Planted  His  Artillery  at  Albu- 
querque, View  of  the 133 

Dodd,  Captain  Theodore  H.,  Portrait  of 44 

Downing,  Captain  Jacob,  Portrait  of 109 

Ford,  Captain  James  H.,  Portrait  of 43 

Fort  Bliss,  View  of 33 

Fort  Thorn,  View  of 57 

Fort  Union,  View  of 78 

Gilpin,  Governor  William,  Portrait  of 37 

Glorieta,  View  of  Part  of  the  Battlefield  of  La 104 

Glorieta,  View  of  Part  of  the  Battlefield  of  La 105 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


9 


Glorieta  Locality,  View  of  a Landscape  in  the 19 

Glorieta  Pass,  View  of  Western  Entrance  to,  at  Johnson’s 

Ranch  100 

Hamilton,  Surgeon  John  F.,  Portrait  of 48 

Johnson's  Ranch,  Main  Building  and  Corral  at.  View  of 121 

Kozlowski's  Ranch,  View  Showing  Present  Condition  of.  . . . 80 

Kozlowski’s  Spring,  View  of 81 

Logan,  Captain  Samuel  M.,  Portrait  of 39 

Map  of  Parts  of  Colorado  and  New  Mexico 113 

Map  Showing  Detour-Route  of  General  Sibley's  Retreat.  . . . 134 

Map  of  the  Fort  Craig  Locality 61 

Map  of  the  Rio  Grande  Valley x 59 

Monument.  Soldiers’,  at  Santa  Fe 158 

Mountainside,  View  of  Precipitous.  Descended  by  Chiving- 

ton’s  Force  at  Johnson's  Ranch 117 

Pigeon’s  Ranch,  Present  Condition  of 86 

Pecos  Mission,  View  of  the  Ruined 22 

Pecos  Pueblo,  View  of  Part  of  the  Ruins  of 24 

Rangers,  One  of  Sibley’s  Texas 73 

Standard,  Regimental,  of  the  First  Colorado  Regiment 145 

Santa  Fe  in  the  Civil  War  Period,  View  of 156 

Scurry,  Lieutenant-Colonel  William  R.,  Portrait  of 63 

Sibley,  Brigadier-General  Henry  H.,  Portrait  of 31 

Slough,  Colonel  John  P.,  Portrait  of 46 

Tappan,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Samuel  F.,  Portrait  of 76 

Teel,  Major  Trevanion  T.,  Portrait  of 65 

Tolies.  Assistant-Surgeon  Lewis  C.,  Portrait  of 124 

Valverde,  View  of  Part  of  the  Battlefield  of 70 

Valverde,  View  of  Part  of  the  Battlefield  of 71 

Whitford,  William  Clarke,  D.  D.,  Portrait  of 16 

Wynkoop.  Captain  Edward  W.,  Portrait  of 152 


503303 


PREFACE. 

BY  JEROME  C.  SMILEY. 

Our  Civil  War  was  the  most  tremendous  struggle  for  preserva- 
tion of  the  national  unity  of  a homogeneous  people  of  which  the 
annals  of  our  race  contain  any  record.  Its  battle-front  was  more 
than  two  thousand  miles  long,  reaching  from  the  Virginia  Coast  far 
into  the  large  Territory  of  New  Mexico,  which,  until  the  organiza- 
tion of  Arizona  Territory  in  1863,  extended  westward  to  California. 
Near  the  western  end  of  this  unparalleled  fighting-line  one  of  the 
highly  momentous  campaigns  in  that  great  national  tragedy  was 
closed  in  victory  for  the  Union  early  in  the  second  year  of  the  war. 

The  men  in  whom  were  the  military  ability  and  the  very  bone 
and  sinew  of  the  Union  cause  in  that  campaign,  and  who  bore  the 
burden  of  hardship  and  sacrifice  in  winning  the  victory  which 
abruptly  checked  and  turned  the  rising  tide  of  Confederate  successes' 
in  the  Southwest,  were  citizen-soldiers  of  the  Territory  of  Colorado. 

On  the  part  of  the  Confederates  that  campaign  meant  far  more 
than  appears  when  it  is  considered  merely  as  a military  enterprise — 
as  an  ambitious  inroad  into  a section  of  the  national  domain  out- 
side the  boundaries  of  the  Southern  Confederacv.  Back  of  it  was 
a political  project  of  vast  magnitude,  upon  which  enthusiastic  South- 
ern leaders  had  set  their  hearts. 

In  i860,  1861  and  well  into  1862  the  militant  spirit  of  disunion 
was  not  confined  to  the  slave-holding  States  of  our  countrv.  Dis- 
ruption of  the  old  Union  was  boldly  advocated  among  and  favored 
by  a large  and  influential  element  of  the  population  of  California — 
an  element  that  predominated  in  number  and  influence  in  the  south- 
ern half  of  that  State.  Far-northwest  Oregon  had  many  earnest  and 
active  supporters  of  secession,  who  thought  their  interests  demanded 
an  independent  government  on  the  Pacific  Slope.  In  the  Territory 
of  Utah,  which  then  included  the  area  of  the  present  State  of  Ne- 
vada, those  of  its  people  of  the  Mormon  persuasion  had  been  embit- 
tered against  the  United  States  Government  by  reason  of  their  long- 

(10) 


PREFACE. 


I I 

continued  embroilments  with  it,  and  were  ready  for  any  change  in 
which  immunity  from  interference  in  their  church-and-domestic 
affairs  was  conceded  to  them.  The  inhabitants  of  New  Mexico  were 
divided  in  sentiment,  but  while  probably  more  than  one-half  of 
them  at  heart  were  for  the  Union,  those  of  the  western  part  of  the 
Territory  (the  present  Arizona)  were  almost  unanimously  against 
it;  and  these,  as  well  as  the  other  sympathizers  with  the  breaking-up 
policy,  were  led  by  men  of  high  standing  among  them  and  of  ex- 
treme determination.  W hen  the  Territory  of  Colorado  was  organ- 
ized in  1 86 1,  a large  majority  of  its  population  was  in  the  town  of 
Denver,  and  in  the  Clear  Creek,  the  Boulder  and  the  South  Park 
mining  districts.  Perhaps  rather  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  people 
were  loyal  to  the  Union,  but  among  their  friends  and  associates 
and  neighbors  were  many  who  were  ardent  and  outspoken  for  the 
Southern  cause.  The  first  discovery  of  gold  here  that  was  followed 
by  practical  results  had  been  made  by  Georgians  in  1858,  and  a host 
of  Southern  men  had  come  into  the  country  in  1859  an<l  60.  The 
first  permanent  town  within  the  area  of  the  Territory — one  of  the 
municipal  constituents  of  the  present  City  of  Denver — had  been 
founded  in  the  autumn  of  1858  largely  under  the  leadership  of 
Southerners.  These  Colorado  pioneers  from  the  South  were,  as  a 
rule,  men  of  sterling  character  and  of  much  personal  popularitv. 

In  this  backward  glance  at  the  political  conditions  existing  in 
that  period  in  Colorado,  New  Mexico,  Utah,  and  on  the  Pacific 
Coast,  we  may  see  the  reasons  for  the  exuberant  hopes  that  were 
sanguinely  cherished  by  some  Southern  leaders  in  i86i-'62.  Be- 
cause of  these  conditions  they  confidentlv  expected  to  sp.lit  off  from 
the  Union,  in  addition  to  the  States  which  had  already  seceded  and 
formed  the  “Confederate  States  of  America",  these  three  Territories 
and  the  larger  part,  if  not  all,  of  the  Pacific  Coast  proper.  Their 
anticipations  and  plans  embraced  even  more  than  this,  for  it  was 
their  intention  to  acquire,  also,  either  with  money  or  by  force  of 
arms,  a large  part  of  northern  Mexico,  which  was  to  be  annexed  to 
the  Southern  Confederacy.  Major  Trevanion  T.  Teel,  one  of  Gen- 
eral Siblev's  verv  efficient  officers,  in  a brief  account  of  the  objects 
of  the  Confederate  campaign  in  New  Mexico  in  1862  and  of  the 


12 


PREFACE. 


■causes  of  its  failure,  written  and  published  about  twenty  years  ago, 
said  that  if  it  had  been  successful, 

“negotiations  to  secure  Chihuahua,  Sonora  and  Lower  California, 
cither  by  purchase  or  by  conquest,  would  be  opened;  the  state  of 
affairs  in  Mexico  made  it  an  easy  thing  to  take  those  States,  and  the 
Mexican  President  would  be  glad  to  get  rid  of  them  and  at  the  same 
time  improve  his  exchequer.  In  addition  to  all  this,  General  Sib- 
ley intimated  that  there  was  a secret  understanding  between  the 
Mexican  and  the  Confederate  authorities,  and  that,  as  soon  as  our 
occupation  of  the  said  States  was  assured,  a transfer  of  those  States 
would  be  made  to  the  Confederacy.  Juarez,  the  President  of  the 
Republic  (so  called),  was  then  in  the  City  of  Mexico  with  a small 
army  under  his  command,  hardly  sufficient  to  keep  him  in  his  posi- 
tion. That  date  (1862)  was  the  darkest  hour  in  the  annals  of  our 
sister  republic,  but  it  was  the  brightest  of  the  Confederacy,  and 
General  Sibley  thought  that  he  would  have  little  difficulty  in  con- 
summating the  ends  so  devoutly  wished  by  the  Confederate  Gov- 
ernment". 

But  we  have  not  yet  reached  the  limit  of  Southern  purposes  in 
that  memorable  campaign.  Confederate  control  of  the  gold-produc- 
ing regions  of  the  West  then  known— -Colorado  and  California — 
was  another  great  result  expected  from  its  successful  issue,  and 
which  figured  largely  in  the  calculations.  President  Lincoln  held 
these  sources  of  gold  supply  as  being  of  vital  importance  to  the 
Union  cause,  as  forming  “the  life-blood  of  our  financial  credit". 
Jefferson  Davis,  President  of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  also  com- 
prehended their  value  in  that  time  of  stress,  and  hoped  to  make  them 
an  acceptable  basis  of  foreign  loans  to  his  government. 

It  is  usually  unprofitable  to  speculate  about  what  “might  have 
happened";  yet  there  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  if  the  Con- 
federate army  which  entered  New  Mexico  at  the  beginning  of  1862 
had  not  been  stopped  and  defeated  at  La  Glorieta,  or  somewhere  else 
in  that  vicinity  about  the  same  time,  our  histories  of  the  War  for 
the  Union  would  read  differently.  In  their  dreams  of  the  near 
future  some  Southern  leaders  saw  their  Confederacy  extended  to 
the  Pacific  Coast  and  embracing  more  than  one-half  of  the  territory 
of  the  United  States,  while  in  those  of  others  it  formed  a junction 
and  an  alliance  with  another  division  of  the  old  Union — with  a 
"“Western  Confederacy"  having  dominion  over  all  that  part  of  our 


preface. 


13 


country  lying  west  of  the  Continental  Divide,  save  in  the  south  an 
outlet  to  the  Pacific  for  the  Southern  people.  Had  General  Sibley 
succeeded  in  taking  Fort  Union,  with  its  large  stores  of  arms, 
artillery  and  general  military  supplies,  his  further  progress  before 
he  could  have  been  confronted  by  an  adequate  force  perhaps  would 
have  been  over  an  easy  road  toward  fulfillment  of  the  plans  of  his 
government.  We  are  further  informed  by  Major  Teel  that  “Sibley 
was  to  utilize  the  results  of  Baylor's  successes"  (see  the  second 
chapter  of  this  volume),  and  that, 

“with  the  enlistment  of  men  from  New  Mexico,  California,  Arizona 
and  Colorado,  form  an  army  which  would  effect  the  ultimate  aim  of 
the  campaign,  for  there  were  scattered  all  over  the  Western  States 
and  Territories  Southern  men  who  were  anxiously  awaiting  an 
opportunity  to  join  the  Confederate  army;  * * * an  army  of 

advance  would  be  organized,  and  ‘On  to  San  Francisco'  would  be 
the  watchword ; * * 

With  the  Pacific  Coast  in  their  possession  by  conquest,  or  with 
a free  way  to  it  by  alliance  with  a “Western  Confederacy”,  the 
world  would  have  been  open  to  the  Confederates,  since  it  would 
have  been  impossible  for  the  Federal  navy  effectively  to  blockade 
that  coast.  Furthermore,  the  oceans  could  have  been  made  to 
swarm  with  Confederate  cruisers  and  privateers  preying  upon  the 
commerce  of  the  Union.  An  approach  to  success  in  this  great 
scheme,  with  a prospect  of  the  domain  of  the  United  States  becom- 
ing broken  into  three  minor  nationalities,  probably  would  have 
secured  recognition  of  the  Southern  Confederacy  from  the  English 
and  French  governments  at  once,  and  perhaps  from  others  in 
Europe.  What,  then,  might  the  consequences  have  been? 

It  was  such  considerations  as  those  outlined  in  the  foregoing  that 
induced  Confederate  leaders  in  i86i-’62  to  attempt  to  establish 
provisionally  a military  government  in  western  New  Mexico,  and 
to  send  General  Sibley  forth  to  carry  the  war  into  the  Rocky  3 foun- 
tains. Regarded  solely  from  a military  standpoint,  the  mere  con- 
quest and  occupation  of  New  Mexico,  and  even  of  Colorado  in  addi- 
tion, could  have  worked  no  advantage  of  importance  to  the  Southern 
Confederacy;  but  possession  of  both  would  have  strongly  fortified 
subsequent  efforts  to  consummate  the  greater  purposes.  Bearing 


14 


PREFACE. 


in  mind  these  comprehensive  designs,  we  shall  he  better  prepared  to 
appreciate  the  services  rendered  the  Nation  by  the  Colorado  Volun- 
teers in  the  New  Mexico  campaign  in  1862. 

In  this  volume  we  have  the  first  circumstantially  complete  history 
of  that  campaign  yet  published,  and  no  doubt  the  story  will  be  a 
surprising  revelation  to  many  of  its  readers.  As  a military  achieve- 
ment the  defeat  of  General  Sibley  was  overshadowed  by  the  greater 
conflicts  of  the  war,  and  the  bold  political  project  which  it  caused 
to  vanish  into  thin  air  belongs  to  a part  of  the  history  of  that  period 
of  which  but  little  has  yet  become  commonly  known.  In  a lesser 
war  the  hurried  march  of  the  Colorado  Volunteers  to  the  rescue 
and  their  desperate  fighting  in  La  Glorieta  Pass,  with  the  great 
issues  at  stake  forming  the  background  of  the  scene,  would  have 
been  celebrated  long  and  far  in  song  and  story.  The  author,  in  the 
spirit  which  prompts  the  Union  Veteran  to  hold  out  a hand  and 
take  off  his  hat  to  the  Confederate  Soldier,  but  without  a thought  of 
sympathy  for  the  “Lost  Cause  ”,  unreservedly  recognizes  the  reso- 
lution, courage  and  devotion  of  the  men  who  constituted  Sibley’s 
army,  as  well  as  the  bravery  and  ability  of  the  officers  who  led  them. 
The  victor  could  add  nothing  to  his  credit  by  disparaging  the  van- 
quished, even  were  he  so  disposed  to  do. 

The  first  engagement  in  La  Glorieta  Pass  usually  has  been  known 
in  Colorado  as  the  “Apache  Canon  Fight”,  and  the  second  as  the 
“Battle  of  Pigeon's  Ranch”.  The  author  very  properly  has  treated 
the  two  as  parts  of  one  encounter,  for  which  he  adopted  the  name, 
“Battle  of  La  Glorieta”.  The  second  conflict  is  so  called  in  some 
of  the  official  records  of  the  Union  armies,  and  is  known  only  by 
that  name  in  the  surviving  Confederate  records.  While  names  of 
ranches  and  also  of  canons  are  liable  to  change  with  changes  of 
ownership  of  the  land,  “La  Glorieta”,  by  which  the  locality,  and  the 
pass  as  a whole,  have  been  known  by  the  Spanish-Mexican  people 
of  New  Mexico  for  more  than  two  hundred  years,  is  likely  to  re- 
main attached  to  both  indefinitely  into  the  future.  Therefore,  it  is 
eminently  fitting  that  the  bloody  struggles  in  the  pass — the  Gettys- 
burg of  the  Southwest — should  be  known  by  the  historic  name 
which  that  opening  through  the  southern  terminal  heights  of  the 
Sangre  de  Cristo  (“Blood  of  Christ")  Range  so  long  has  borne. 


PREFACE. 


15 


Fhe  confidence  expressed  by  the  author  at  the  close  of  his  valuable 
contribution  to  the  written  history  of  the  West,  that  the  time  would 
surely  come  when  some  worthy  memorial  would  be  raised  by  the 
State  of  Colorado  to  the  Civil  War  Volunteers  of  the  Territory,  is 
about  to  be  justified.  The  Fifteenth  General  Assembly,  in  its  regu- 
lar session  in  1905,  provided  for  the  erection  in  front  of  the  capitol 
of  an  appropriate  monument  to  them,  and  at  the  time  of  this  writing 
its  foundations  have  been  laid. 

Dr.  Whitford,  born  in  Otsego  County,  New  York,  in  1828,  was 
educated  for  the  ministry  and  ordained  in  1856.  In  1858  he  became 
the  Principal  of  Milton  Academy,  a promising  young  institution  of 
learning  at  Milton,  Wisconsin.  Nine  years  later,  through  his  abil- 
ity and  zeal  as  an  educator,  the  academy  was  raised  to  the  dignity 
of  Milton  College,  and  so  incorporated  by  an  act  of  the  Wisconsin 
Legislature.  He  was  elected  its  first  President,  and  filled  the  posi- 
tion continuously  until  his  death  in  May,  1902.  He  served  as  a 
member  of  the  Wisconsin  Legislature  of  1868;  was  State  Superin- 
tendent of  Public  Instruction  for  two  consecutive  terms  (iSyS-'Si), 
and  for  a number  of  years  was  a member  of  the  Board  of  Regents 
of  the  State  University  of  Wisconsin.  He  was  the  author  of  vari- 
ous studies  of  the  early  history  of  Wisconsin,  and  made  many  ex- 
plorations of  prehistoric  mounds  and  other  earthworks  in  that  State. 

Dr.  Whitford’ s death  occurred  before  he  had  had  opportunity  to 
obtain  from  Colorado  records  some  further  facts  he  required  for 
this  volume,  and  when  his  manuscript  was  received  by  our  Histori- 
cal Society  it  was  seen  that  he  had  carefully  noted  the  several  de- 
ficiencies. The  more  important  of  the  lacking  data  were  the  names 
of  the  killed  and  of  the  wounded  among  the  Colorado  Volunteers 
in  the  New  Mexico  campaign,  and  those  of  their  company  officers; 
the  remainder  having  relation  to  sundry  details  and  to  some 
requested  verifications.  His  notations  respecting  these  matters 
received  faithful  attention  from  the  Society.  About  one-half  of  the 
illustrations  are  from  photographs  procured  by  the  author  in  New 
Mexico,  most  of  which  he  caused  to  be  made  while  he  was  on  the 
ground ; the  rest,  with  a few  exceptions,  were  drawn  from  the 
Society’s  resources. 

Denver,  June.  1906. 


William  Clarke  Whitford.  D.  D. 

(From  a photograph  in  the  State  Historical  and  Natural  History  Society’s  collection.) 


) 


INTRODUCTORY. 


In  a springtime  some  years  ago  I made  my  first  visit  into  the 
unique  and  romantic  region  of  New  Mexico,  for  the  purpose  of 
viewing  its  varied  and  impressive  scenery,  and  especially  of  seeing 
its  many  places  of  historical  interest.  The  railway  ride  on  the  last 
day,  through  the  southeastern  quarter  of  Colorado  and  on  to  Santa 
Fe,  in  the  crystalline  atmosphere  and  the  brilliant  sunshine,  was 
fascinating  in  a very  remarkable  degree.  The  forenoon  hours  were 
occupied  by  the  train  in  crossing  an  almost  treeless  expanse  of  roll- 
ing plains  and  low  mesas,  in  full  sight  of  the  Spanish  peaks  to  the 
west — those  outlying  sentinels  of  the  famous  Sangre  de  Cristo 
range.  In  the  afternoon  it  dragged  its  way  southward  along  the 
border  of  the  immense  plains,  which  sweep  in  on  the  left  and  then 
across'  the  roadway  to  the  base  of  gray  foothills,  which  at  some 
points  are  close  at  hand  and  at  others  many  miles  distant;  and  its 
course  afforded  a complete  view  on  the  right  of  an  almost  continu- 
ous series  of  lofty  and  snow-covered  pinnacles,  which  gave  a ragged 
edge  to  the  horizon.  The  train  crept  between  the  inferior  eminences, 
composed  of  Post-tertiary  strata  of  compact  sandstone,  named 
Fisher’s  peak  and  Simpson's  rest,  and  capped  with  huge  cube-like 
masses  of  dark  grayish  rock,  the  remains  of  a stupendous  volcanic 
overflow  that  preceded  the  upheaval  of  these  towering  ridges.  It 
then  plunged  into  a winding  canon,  following  the  course  of  a rush- 
ing creek.  As  it  climbed  the  heavy  grade  in  the  Raton  pass,  across 
which  runs  the  boundary  line  between  Colorado  and  New  Mexico, 
we  had  hurried,  but  inspiring,  glances  into  deep  gorges  on  one  side, 
views  of  the  swelling  of  almost  barren  heig'hts  over  and  beyond  each 
other  on  the  opposite  side  into  the  dark  blue  sky,  and  a magnificent 
backward  look,  through  the  narrow  canon,  to  the  twin  Spanish  peaks 
in  the  distance,  clothed  on  their  slopes  with  rich  purple  color,  and 
wearing  on  their  heads,  as  touched  by  the  sunlight,  crowns  of  bril- 
liant silvery  whiteness. 


( 17) 


i8 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


Then  the  train  entered  a tunnel  at  the  summit  of  this  mountain 
range,  which  projects  miles  into  the  plains,  and,  on  emerging  from 
it,  descended  swiftly  to  the  ordinary  level  of  the  high  table-land, 
on  which,  for  a long  stretch,  were  feeding  flocks  of  sheep  and  herds 
of  cattle,  and  stopped  at  least  a score  of  times  at  small  hamlets  and 
old  settled  towns,  which  showed  a strange  mixture  of  wretched 
adobe  huts  and  modern  wooden  structures,  and  also  of  various  types 
of  Mexican  and  American  inhabitants.  The  eye  rested  frequently 
upon  the  well-worn  old  Santa  Fe  trail,  which  runs  here,  as  back  in 
the  Arkansas  valley,  parallel  to  the  railroad,  and  on  which  were 
slowly  drawn  along,  each  by  two  or  three  double  teams,  a few  lum- 
bering, canvas-top  freight  wagons,  loaded  with  supplies  for  some 
mining  camps  or  for  live-stock  ranches.  They  were  the  relics  of  the 
caravans  of  pack  horses  and  “prairie  schooners”  that  had  traveled 
hitherward  from  the  Missouri  river  almost  from  the  beginning  of 
the  nineteenth  century.  Skirting'  around  the  lower  terminus  of  the 
imperial  Rockies,  whose  bold  heads,  lifted  into  the  clouds,  line 
northward  almost  three  thousand  miles,  the  train  approached,  just 
before  the  darkening  shadows  of  evening  were  falling  upon  the 
weird  but  splendid  landscape,  a narrow,  transverse  opening  between 
the  mountains,  which  forms  at  the  west  a side  valley  of  the  upper 
Pecos  river.  This  is  known  as  La  Glorieta  pass ; though  often  des- 
ignated as  the  Apache  canon,  from  a powerful  tribe  of  roving  In- 
dians who  terrorized  this  region  and  the  country  to  the  southwest 
for  centuries. 

Just  at  this  point,  as  the  engine  was  laboriously  drawing  the  train 
in  a northwesterly  direction  toward  the  summit  of  this  thorough- 
fare, a gentleman  on  board,  inviting  a group  of  passengers  to  stand 
around  him  on  the  front  platform  of  a coach,  said  to  them  with 
much  earnestness : “Right  in  here  were  some  battles  of  the  Civil 
War.”  “Between  whom?”  one  of  the  party  inquired.  “Confed- 
erate and  Union  soldiers,”  was  his  answer.  “Whereabouts  in 
here?”  another  asked.  “At  several  places  in  this  pass,”  he  re- 
sponded; “but  the  severest  one  was  down  among  those  trees  along 
the  arroyo,  and  on  these  slopes  you  see,  and  near  that  large  adobe 
building  yonder.”  “This  is  surprising;  we  never  heard  of  these 


INTRODUCTORY. 


19 


engagement8  before,"  several  remarked.  “Very  likely,"  he  con- 
tinued; “for  I think  that  not  one  person  in  ten  thousand  in  the 
states  east  of  us  knows  to-day  anything  about  them  or  of  the  cam- 
paign in  which  they  were  fought.”  “Is  there  any  account  of  them 
in  our  school  histories  or  in  the  popular  magazines?"  he  was  ques- 
tioned. “Probably  not,"  he  replied;  “hut  you  can  accept  my  state- 
ment as  true,  for  I fired  at  the  invaders  myself  for  hours  with  my 
Colorado  company,  in  the  woods  down  here,  and  from  behind  those 


A Landscape  in  the  Glorieta  Locality. 
(From  one  of  the  author’s  photographs.) 


rocks  on  the  ridge  over  there.  I was  never  in  so  hot  a contest  be- 
fore or  afterward  in  the  Civil  War.”  The  conversation  was  inter- 
rupted by  the  train  reaching  the  station  at  the  small  hamlet  of 
Glorieta,  and  by  our  Colorado  train-acquaintance  leaving  us  there. 
Later  we  learned  that  during  this  conflict  the  camp  of  the  Northern 
army  was  about  six  miles  back  in  the  Pecos  valley,  and  that  that  of 
the  Southern  was  at  the  western  end  of  the  pass.  In  the  deep 
depression  from  one  place  to  the  other  the  maneuvers  of  both 
armies,  as  well  as  their  encounters,  in  this  mountain  region,  were 
confined  almost  entirelv. 


20 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


A superficial  examination  of  the  history  of  the  events  just  men- 
tioned brought  to  light,  in  main  part,  the  causes  of  the  ignorance 
above  alleg'ed.  At  the  time  they  occurred,  early  in  the  spring  of 
1862,  they  failed  to  attract  the  notice  of  the  American  people.  The 
means  of  communication  from  the  Southwest  to  news  centers  in  the 
East  were  slow  and  imperfect,  the  nearest  telegraph  line — one  of  a 
single  wire — being  at  Denver  City.  This  expedition  of  these  loyal 
troops  was  largely  independent  of  other  operations  of  the  Union 
armies.  Public  attention  then  was  intensely  fixed  upon  the  gigantic 
preparations  of  the  forces  under  General  McClellan  for  the  Penin- 
sular campaign  in  Virginia.  Three  weeks  before,  the  Monitor  had 
disabled  the  Merrimac  in  Hampton  Roads.  Fort  Donelson  had 
already  been  taken,  and  the  fierce  struggle  at  Shiloh  happened  a 
week  and  a half  later.  New  Orleans  surrendered  to  Farragut  less 
than  a month  afterward.  Furthermore,  the  number  of  soldiers  on 
both  sides  engaged  here  was  insignificant  in  comparison  with  the 
tens  and  hundreds  of  thousands  who  were  then  fighting  on  eastern 
battlefields.  But  their  heroism,  their  powers  of  endurance  and  the 
unprecedented  scope  of  their  achievements  have  challenged  the  high- 
est admiration  of  all  acquainted  with  their  deeds.  The  Confederate 
troops  marched  a distance  approaching  one  thousand  miles  over  a 
wide  stretch  of  arid  country  in  Texas,  beside  over  three  hundred 
and  fifty  miles  outside  of  their  state,  up  the  Rio  Grande  valley,  with 
its  scant  population,  to  reach  this  pass;  and  Federal  troops,  over 
three  hundred  miles,  along  the  eastern  base  of  the  Rocky  mountains, 
still  in  the  grasp  of  winter,  with  its  terrific  storms.  Yet  the  imme- 
diate and  permanent  results  of  the  victory  gained  here  were  among 
the  most  conspicuous  and  valuable  to  the  Union  that  were  won  dur- 
ing the  war.  Here  was  utterly  defeated,  in  a very  brief  time,  the 
bold  and  comprehensive  scheme  of  the  Southern  Confederacy  to 
acquire,  by  invasion  and  force  of  arms,  the  possession  and  control 
of  all  this  southwestern  mountainous  country,  including  its  forts, 
passes  and  towns,  and  to  extend  this  possession  northward  to  Den- 
ver, Colorado,  and  thence  westward  to  Salt  Lake  City,  Utah.  But 
another  purpose  in  this  great  scheme  was  to  open,  through  New 
Mexico  (which  then  embraced  the  present  Arizona,  also),  access  to 


INTRODUCTORY. 


21 


California — to  secure  “a  pathway  to  the  Pacific  Coast,”  the  harbors 
of  which  could  not  then  be  easily  blockaded  by  the  Federal  navy. 
They  desired  thus  to  attach  to  their  domain  all  this  vast  region,  and 
to  secure  thereby  the  adherence  and  support  of  its  Indian  tribes, 
Mexicans,  and  of  thousands  of  active  sympathizers  who  had  either 
emigrated  from  the  South  or  were  reared  elsewhere  and  approved 
of  the  extension  of  negro  slavery.  In  case  of  their  final  separation 
from  the  Northern  states,  their  government,  the  Confederacy,  would 
bar  the  latter  from  any  further  growth  westward,  and  ultimately 
assume  the  charge  of  the  Asiatic  commerce  of  this  continent.  How- 
ever impracticable  or  idealistic  such  a project  may  now  appear, 
there  is  ample  evidence  that  it  was  then  seriously  entertained  and 
its  realization  confidently  expected  by  them.  In  fact,  it  was  the 
cause  of  their  loss  of  immense  treasure  and  the  death  of  many 
heroic,  but  misguided,  soldiers  of  their  army.  Had  their  failure 
been  postponed  for  some  months,  and  had  they  gained  supremacy 
also  over  a score  of  other  natural  fortresses  in  the  mountains,  and 
enlisted,  as  they  wished,  their  allies  in  defense  of  these,  it  would 
have  required  a vast  Union  army  to  dislodge  them,  and  years  of 
struggle  to  regain  the  allegiance  of  the  inhabitants. 

The  disastrous  result  of  this  episode  of  the  Civil  War  to  the 
South  adds  another  most  interesting  chapter  to  the  history  of  the 
upper  Pecos  valley  and  of  La  Glorieta  pass.  The  route  through 
both  these,  and  the  less  important  one  through  the  former  and  into 
the  San  Cristobal  canon,  immediately  to  the  southwest,  have  been 
to  the  development  of  New  Mexico  and  adjacent  territory  what  the 
celebrated  Brenner  pass  in  the  Alps  has  been  to  that  of  central- 
southern  Europe  since  ancient  times.  For  hundred  of  years  before 
and  since  this  continent  became  known  to  the  civilized  world  here 
was  the  chief  passageway  of  the  nomads  and  village  aborigines  of 
this  region  through  these  immense  mountain  ranges,  and  here  has 
been  the  scene  of  repeated  and  murderous  attacks  among  them. 
The  earliest  Spanish  explorers,  beginning  back  in  the  first  half  of 
the  sixteenth  century,  traveled  through  here  on  their  visits  to 
friendly  tribes  and  on  their  journeys  into  the  great  western  plains. 
Mexican  families  in  the  vallev  of  the  Rio  Grande  found  here  a con- 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


venient  exit  for  themselves  to  the  opposite  side  of  these  lofty  and 
crowded  peaks,  when  they  settled  there  to  the  northward  in  such 
towns  as  Las  Vegas,  Raton,  Trinidad  and  La  Junta.  The  Santa 
Fe  trail  ran  through  here,  and  previous  to  the  time  in  which  the 

railroad  took  its 
place  long  trains 
of  heavy  wagons 
could  be  seen  tra- 
versing its  steep 
inclines.  In  1841, 
and  two  years  af- 
terward, hostile  or 
plundering  expe- 
ditions from  Tex- 
as, then  an  inde- 
pendent republic, 
became  associated 
with  this  pass  in 
their  prospective 
raids  on  the  town 
of  Santa  Fe.  Gen- 
eral Manuel  Ar- 
mijo, who  had 
been  governor  of 
New  Mexico  for  several  terms,  stationed  in  its  extreme  western 
part  his  native  troops  of  about  4,000,  occupying  an  advantageous 
position,  which  he  fortified  by  some  earthworks  and  fallen  trees, 
for  the  purpose  of  intercepting  and  “annihilating"  General  Stephen 
W.  Kearny  and  his  United  States  forces,  on  their  way  in  1846 
to  take  possession  of  the  province,  then  a part  of  the  territory  of 
the  Republic  of  Mexico.  Armijo's  project  was  ingloriously  aban- 
doned, and  the  invading  army  marched  through  unmolested  and  on 
to  Santa  Fe,  which  capitulated  without  any  bloodshed.  Subse- 
quentlv,  in  the  same  vear.  Colonel  Sterling  Price,  with  his  famous 
Missouri  regiment,  followed  the  same  route  when  he  suppressed  an 
insurrection  of  sr me  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  province.  Colonel  A. 


INTRODUCTORY. 


23 


\\  . Doniphan,  in  1847,  led  his  command  through  these  gorges  on 
his  expedition  to  capture  Chihuahua,  in  northern  Mexico. 

The  name,  “Glorieta,”  was  bestowed  upon  this  locality  by  the 
Spanish  settlers  of  New  Mexico  at  an  early  day.  It  was  suggested 
by  dense  and  beautiful  growths  of  cottonwood  and  pine  trees  then 
on  the  land  that  long  afterward  became  Pigeon's  ranch,  and  also 
along  the  arroyo  and  up  the  slopes.  Later  it  was  given  to  the 
round-top  eminence — Glorieta  mountain — seen  to  the  west  soon 
after  one  enters  the  pass  from  the  opposite  direction : then  to  the 
pass  itself,  and  to  the  canon  at  its  eastern  opening,  and  to  the  local 
station  (elevation,  7,587  feet)  of  the  Santa  Fe  Railway  when  that 
road  was  built.  Since  then  it  has  been  assigned  to  this  entire  sec- 
tion in  praise  of  its  picturesque  scenery,  genial  climate  and  interest- 
ing- traditions.  The  pass  at  each  extremity  is  very  narrow,  but  in 
the  middle  nearly  a quarter  of  a mile  wide.  On  both  flanks  it  is 
shut  in  by  irregular  crests,  which  rise  above  its  bottom  generally 
from  one  to  two  thousand  feet.  Its  abrupt  sides  are  thinly  covered 
with  cedar  bushes  and  stunted  oaks  and  pines.  In  its  eastern  half, 
particularly  along  the  arroyo,  are  now  growing  only  a few  large 
cottonwoods,  and  close  to  them  some  yellow  pines — the  remnants 
of  the  Glorieta  forest,  which  adorned  the  locality  as  late  as  forty 
years  ago. 

When  copious  rains  occur  in  this  region  two  streams  have  their 
origin  in  the  watershed  at  the  summit,  near  the  middle  of  the  pass, 
one  taking  a southeasterly  course  by  Pigeon’s  ranch,  and  emptying 
at  last  into  the  Pecos  river,  and  the  other  a southwesterlv  course, 
becoming-  a head  of  the  Galisteo,  a small  branch  of  the  Rio  Grande. 
About  three  miles  below  Canoncito,  at  the  farthest  end  of  the  pass, 
the  second  stream  has  worn  a deep,  very  narrow  and  tortuous  chan- 
nel through  the  solid  rock,  which  the  Santa  Fe  Railway  Company 
has  designated  also  Apache  canon.  The  trains  run  through  this 
defile  at  the  end  of  a long  and  rapid  descent. 

About  nine  miles  to  the  east,  in  a parklike  and  undulating  valley, 
close  to  the  old  Santa  Fe  trail,  and  in  sight  of  this  railroad,  a mile 
and  a half  to  the  south,  are  the  gray  ruins  of  a famous  ancient  village 
of  Pueblo  Indians,  called  the  Pecos  Pueblo,  and  near  them  the  red- 


24 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


dish  ones  of  a Catholic  mission,  commonly  known  as  the  “Pecos 
Church.”  They  are  situated  not  far  from  the  center  of  an  apparent 
amphitheatre,  seven  miles  in  width  and  twelve  in  length,  and  sur- 
rounded, on  the  one  hand,  by  tree-covered  mesas,  whose  level  tops 
are  two  thousand  feet  above  their  base,  and  on  the  other  by  moun- 
tains, which  rise  four  thousand  feet  above  their  lowest  foothills  and 
present  timbered  slopes  and  craggy  summits.  A visit  to  the  site 
of  this  ruined  old  pueblo  would  reveal  more  clearly  to  the  reader 
that  it  lies  in  one  of  the  most  romantic  and  delightful  retreats,  in  a 
region  where  the  plains  and  the  snowy  elevations,  crowded  together, 
vie  with  each  other  for  the  mastery.  The  former  have  pushed  them- 
selves, like  an  entering'  wedge,  some  distance  in  among  the  latter. 

Here  are  seen 
the  demolished 
walls  of  per- 
haps the  largest 
aboriginal  stone 
dwelling  ever 
erected  within 
the  United 
States,  and  not 
inferior  in  size 
and  capacity 
for  sheltering 
human  beings 
to  the  greatest 
of  the  old  Aztec 
structures  in 
Mexico  and 
Central  Amer- 
ica. The  vis- 
itor still  may 

enter  the  dilapidated  mission  edifices,  which  are  said  to  have  been 
the  most  capacious  and  substantial  ever  dedicated  by  the  early 
Franciscan  friars  to  the  introduction  of  Christianity  among  the 
Pueblo  tribes  in  the  Southwest.  These  buildings  were  located  on 


View  of  Part  of  the  Ruins  of  the  Great  Pecos  Pueblo. 
(From  one  of  the  author’s  photographs.) 


INTRODUCTORY. 


25 

the  highest  portion  of  a ridge  of  ground  running  over  a third  of 
a mile  from  the  south  to  the  north,  shaped  like  an  irregular  and 
elongated  flint  spearhead,  spread  over  at  most  places  with  a thin 
layer  of  sandy  and  micaceous  soil,  underlaid  by  compact,  brownish- 
gray  limerock  of  the  new  red  sandstone  formation,  and  rising 
almost  a hundred  feet  above  the  beds  of  two  streams,  often  dry, 
one  a few  rods  distant  to  the  west  and  the  other  to  the  east. 

The  camp  of  the  Union  soldiers  who  won  the  victory  of  La  Glo- 
rieta  was  near  the  site  of  these  destroyed  buildings  of  a bygone  era. 

When  I first  visited  the  locality  I was  deeply  impressed  by  what 
I saw  and  heard.  Now,  having  well  in  mind  the  stirring,  but  little- 
known.  events  of  the  Civil  War  which  are  identified  with  it,  I re- 
solved to  return  and  go  more  carefully  over  the  places  where  the 
fighting  occurred,  and  to  prepare  for  publication,  as  faithfully  as  I 
could  do  so.  an  account  of  that  campaign.  Upon  subsequent  visits 
I was  accompanied  in  my  excursions  by  some  men  who  were  eye- 
witnesses of  the  principal  military  operations  here,  and  by  others 
who  had  been  for  many  vears  verv  familiar  with  active  participants 
in  them. 


PRELIMINARY  CONFEDERATE  PLANS  AND  OPERA- 
TIONS IN  THE  SOUTHWEST. 


For  a year  or  so  before  South  Carolina  seceded.  Mr.  John  B. 
Floyd,  secretary  of  war  in  President  Buchanan's  cabinet,  caused  to 
be  sent  to  various  army  posts  in  the  South  and  the  Southwest  vast 
quantities  of  military  supplies  in  great  variety,  and  of  this  prepara- 
tory distribution  of  the  materials  of  war  New  Mexico  received  a 
large  share,  designed  chiefly  for  the  use  of  soldiers  of  the  South 
when  the  contemplated  Confederacy  should  attempt  to  establish  its 
authority  over  the  Southwest  and  into  the  country  that  soon  after- 
ward became  the  territory  of  Colorado.  He  also  caused  to  be 
moved  into  New  Mexico  an  unusually  large  number  of  soldiers  of 
the  regular  army,  under  the  command,  to  a great  extent,  of  officers 
from  the  Southern  states.  It  was  expected  that  these  officers  would 
influence  the  people  of  that  territory  to  favor  and  aid  materially 
the  secession  movement,  and  that  when  the  proper  time  had  arrived 
they  would  resign  their  positions  and  accept  commissions  in  the 
Southern  army.  It  was  also  the  intention  that  they  should  persuade 
the  soldiers  of  their  commands  to  abandon  their  flag  and  enlist 
under  that  of  the  new  government. 

At  the  time  the  Southern  states  began  to  secede,  the  people  of  that 
part  of  New  Mexico  now  the  territory  of  Arizona  were  known  to 
be  almost  unanimous  in  their  support  of  the  movement.  In  a con- 
vention held  at  Tucson  in  1861  they  formally  annexed  their  part 
of  the  country  to  the  Confederacy,  and  elected  a delegate  to  its  con- 
gress. The  mass  of  the  people  of  the  territory,  a large  majority  of 
whom  lived  in  the  Rio  Grande  valley,  evidently  were  rather  apa- 
thetic in  their  attachment  to  the  Union,  and  some  of  their  former 
territorial  officers  were  bitterly  antagonistic.  California  had  a 
strong  element  which  sustained  the  Southern  cause.  Colorado  had. 
as  reported,  as  many  as  7,500  inhabitants — about  one-third  of  the 
population — who  were  openly  or  secretly  disloyal  to  the  national 
government.  The  assertion  was  made  that  “the  Mormons  in  Utah, 


(2G) 


c 


Colonel  Edward  R.  S.  Canby,  Commander  of  the  Union  Forces  in  New 
Mexico  in  1861-62. 

(From  a wood  engraving,  from  an  after-the-war  photograph,  in  “Battles  and 
Leaders  of  the  Civil  War.”  The  Century  Company,  1887.) 


28 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


if  a chance  were  given  them,  would  heartily  join  the  enemies  of  the 
Northern  states.”  Several  powerful  and  warlike  tribes  of  Indians 
in  the  West,  and  others  in  the  Southwest,  could  be  incited  to  fiercer 
hostility  against  the  troops  employed  to  keep  them  in  subjection. 
A series  of  bold  achievements  on  battlefields  and  in  marches  in  these 
territories  by  Southern  troops,  with  the  expulsion  of  the  Federal 
dragoons  and  infantry  from  these  rugged  mountains  and  wide- 
spreading  plains,  undoubtedly  would  unite  and  strengthen  this  mixed 
and  scattered  population  in  contesting  any  further  settlement  and 
jurisdiction  of  the  North  within  their  bounds. 

The  ordinance  of  secession  adopted  by  Texas  on  February  1, 
1 86 1,  went  into  effect  on  March  2(1,  and  the  state  began  at  once 
to  recruit  and  organize  troops  to  occupy  the  Federal  forts  within 
its  own  limits,  and  also  those  in  New  Mexico.  Those  in  the  former 
were  totally  abandoned  in  the  spring  and  summer  of  that  year  by 
the  United  States  forces. 

On  the  22cl  of  March  Colonel  William  W.  Loring,  a native  of 
North  Carolina,  an  Indian  fighter  in  Florida  and  Oregon,  and  a 
veteran  of  the  Mexican  War,  was  assigned  the  command  of  the 
United  States  troops  in  New  Mexico,  with  headquarters  at  Santa 
Fe.  He  resigned  his  position  about  three  months  afterward,  and 
joined  the  Texan  leaders,  whose  plans  to  invade  the  territory  he 
had  already  encouraged. 

In  the  meantime  the  war  department  at  Washington  had  learned 
of  this  movement,  and  it  soon  instructed  Colonel  Edward  R.  S. 
Canby,  of  the  Nineteenth  regiment  United  States  Infantry,  who 
had  assumed  the  command  thus  relinquished,  to  make  vigorous 
preparations  to  resist  any  such  movement.  Colonel  Canby  was  born 
in  Kentucky  in  1819;  early  removed  with  his  parents  to  Indiana; 
graduated  at  West  Point  in  1839;  served  as  a lieutenant  in  the 
Seminole  War  from  1839  to  1842;  brevetted  for  gallantry  in  five 
battles  in  the  Mexican  War;  became  major  in  the  regular  infantry 
in  1855,  and  colonel  in  1861.  At  the  close  of  the  Civil  War  he  was 
brevetted  brigadier-general  in  the  regular  army  “for  gallant  and 
meritorious  services  at  the  battle  of  Valverde,  New  Mexico;”  and 
on  April  11,  1873,  while  commanding  the  Division  of  the  Pacific, 


PRELIMINARY  CONFEDERATE  OPERATIONS. 


29 


was  treacherously  killed  by  the  Modoc  Indians  when  holding  a con- 
ference  with  them  near  the  “lava  beds"  in  Oregon. 

Early  in  July,  1861,  several  companies  of  artillery  and  mounted 
rifles  from  Texas,  commanded  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  John  R.  Bay- 
lor. entered  New  Mexico  by  the  way  of  El  Paso.  In  the  course  of 


Lieutenant-Colonel  John  R.  Baylor,  Commander  of 
the  first  Confederate  troops  that  in- 
vaded New  Mexico. 

(From  a war-time  photograph  in  the  State  Historical 
and  Natural  History  Society’s  collection.) 

a month  the  military  posts  in  the  lower  part  of  the  Rio  Grande  val- 
ley in  New  Mexico,  except  Fort  Craig,  garrisoned  by  United  State 
troops,  were  evacuated,  and  so  fell  into  the  hands  of  these  invaders. 
By  the  close  of  September  the  latter  had  defeated  small  detachments 
of  the  former  in  four  skirmishes  in  this  valley.  These  were  at 
Mesilla  and  Comada  Alamosa,  and  near  Forts  Thorn  and  Craig. 


30 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


along  the  Rio  Grande  and  chiefly  on  its  west  side.  In  the  first  two 
the  contest  was  the  more  serious.  Immediately  after  that  at  Mesilla 
Major  Tsaac  Lynde,  of  the  Federal  army  and  in  charge  of  Fort 
Fillmore,  situated  eight  miles  directly  south  of  Las  Cruces,  after 
basely  abandoning  his  post  and  fleeing  to  San  Augustine  Springs, 
twenty-five  miles  distant  in  the  Organ  mountains,  surrendered  on 
July  27th,  probably  through  cowardice,  without  firing  a shot,  and 
against  the  protests  of  his  officers,  his  entire  command  of  at  least 
500  men,  well  armed,  accustomed  as  regulars  to  stern  warfare  and 
“eager  for  the  fray,"  to  Colonel  Baylor,  with  a detachment  of  less 
than  300  troops.  This  disaster  opened  southern  New  Mexico  to 
the  invaders,  and  compelled  Colonel  Canby  to  gather  all  his  forces 
in  this  region  at  Fort  Craig;  and,  after  enlarging  and  strengthening 
it  very  materially,  he  made  it  the  initial  point  of  his  offensive  and 
defensive  operations  during  the  remainder  of  the  campaign. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Baylor  issued,  August  1st,  a proclamation  to 
the  people  of  the  lower  half  of  the  territory.  In  it  he  stated  that 
he  took  possession  of  this  entire  region  “in  the  name  and  hehalf  of 
the  Confederate  States  of  America;"  that  he  designated  Mesilla  as 
its  seat  of  government,  and  that  in  organizing  it  temporarily  he 
appointed  all  of  its  civil  officers.  Subsequently  he  announced  that 
his  jurisdiction  also  included  practically  the  whole  upper  half  of  the 
territory  of  New  Mexico. 

In  modification  as  well  as  in  support  of  this  act  Jefferson  Davis, 
the  president  of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  issued,  February  14, 
1862,  his  proclamation,  which  had  been  authorized  by  the  Confed- 
erate congress  on  the  21st  of  January  preceding,  declaring  the  New 
Mexico  country  to  be  organized  as  the  “territory  of  Arizona,”  its 
civil  and  military  officers  to  be  appointed  by  him.  Among  those 
designated  by  President  Davis  was  Lieutenant-Colonel  Baylor,  who 
was  named  as  the  military  governor  of  the  territory  and  also  as  the 
commander  of  the  Confederate  army  operating  in  it.  Thereupon, 
as  the  executive,  Colonel  Baylor  sent  forth,  March  1,  1862,  another 
proclamation,  reaffirming  many  terms  of  the  first,  and  designating 
the  upper  boundary  of  the  Confederate  “territory  of  Arizona"  at 
the  thirty-fourth  parallel  of  north  latitude,  which  gave  it  less  than 


Brigadier-General  Henry  H.  Sibley,  Commander  of  the  Confederate 
Forces  in  New  Mexico  in  1862. 

(From  a wood  engraving,  from  a war-time  photograph,  in  “Battles 
and  Leaders  of  the  Civil  War.”  The  Century  Company,  1887.) 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


32 

half  of  the  entire  area  of  New  Mexico.  Our  story  has  little  further 
to  do  with  the  Confederate  “territory  of  Arizona”  and  with  the 
energetic  Colonel  Baylor  as  its  “military  governor.”  Both  con- 
tinued to  figure  for  a few  months  longer,  and  then  went  out  with 
the  collapse  of  the  Confederate  cause  in  the  Southwest. 

Among  the  officers  of  the  United  States  army  stationed  in  that 
section  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War  was  another  very  able 
and  influential  man,  Major  Henry  H.  Sibley,  who  resigned  his  com- 
mission on  May  13,  1861,  and  entered  at  once  the  service  of  the 
Confederacy.  He  was  a Louisianian  and  a gradute  at  West  Point; 
became  a lieutenant  in  the  operations  against  the  Seminole  Indians 
in  Florida,  and  a captain  of  dragoons  while  engaged  in  the  military 
occupation  of  Texas,  and  was  promoted  major  for  gallantry  in  the 
principal  battles  under  General  Winfield  Scott  in  the  Mexican  War. 
He  served  in  Kansas  during  the  “tree-soil”  troubles,  was  sent  twice 
to  Utah  with  troops  to  quell  Mormon  disturbances,  resisted  the 
raids  of  the  Navajo  Indians  in  New  Mexico,  and  superintended 
the  construction  of  Fort  Union,  with  its  arsenal  and  storage  build- 
ings, the  most  complete  in  the  territory.  He  wrote  on  June  12, 
1861,  from  El  Paso,  Texas,  to  Colonel  Loring  at  Santa  Fe,  assur- 
ing him  that  safe  transportation  could  be  secured  from  that  place 
to  New  Orleans,  but  entreated  him  to  delay  his  departure  from 
New  Mexico  “a  week  or  two,”  so  as  to  prevent  any  of  the  troops 
still  under  his  charge  from  capturing  or  destroying  in  that  time 
“the  full  supplies  of  subsistence  and  ammunition”  stored  at  El  Paso 
for  the  use  of  Texas  cavalry  on  their  way,  doubtless,  from  San 
Antonio.  He  regretted  that  he  did  not  bring  with  him  “the  rank 
and  file”  of  his  entire  command.  But  he  and  other  disaffected  offi- 
cers soon  learned  that  nearly  all  of  the  private  soldiers  of  the  Fed- 
eral troops  in  New  Mexico  had  resolved  to  remain  firmly  loyal  to 
the  Union. 

On  the  8th  of  July  following,  Sibley,  as  a brigadier-general, 
was  charged  at  Richmond,  Virginia,  with  the  “duty  of  driving  the 
Federal  troops”  from  New  Mexico,  and  of  securing  therein  “all  the 
arms,  supplies  and  materials  of  war.”  This  honor  was  conferred 
because  of  his  recent  service  in  the  Rio  Grande  valley  and  to  the 


PRELIMINARY  CONFEDERATE  OPERATIONS 


33 


west  of  it,  and  of  his  “knowledge  of  that  country  and  its  people." 
He  was  instructed  to  proceed  without  delay  to  Texas,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  raising,  as  speedily  as  possible,  a brigade  to  accomplish  these 
objects,  and,  if  successful,  also  of  organizing  in  northern  New  Mex- 
ico a military  government. 

Not  until  December  14th  of  that  year  was  he  prepared  to  assume 
in  person  at  Fort  Bliss,  a large  and  well-built  fort,  then  on  the  Rio 
Grande  at  El  Paso,  and  within  the  state  of  Texas,  the  command  of 


Fort  Bliss. 

(From  a wood  engraving  in  “El  Gringo;  or,  New  Mexico  and  Her  People,”  by 
W.  W.  H.  Davis,  1857.) 


the  forces  he  had  enlisted,  and  then  designated  as  “the  Army  of 
New  Mexico,”  but  afterward  usually  called  “Sibley’s  Brigade." 
These  consisted,  when  united,  of  three  regiments  of  mounted  in- 
fantry, five  companies  under  the  charge  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Bay- 
lor, two  batteries  and  three  independent  companies — a total  of 
nearly  3.500  men.  No  volunteers  more  hardy,  courageous  and 
efficient  ever  entered  the  service  of  the  Confederacy.  On  the  20th 
of  this  December  General  Sibley  addressed  a proclamation  to  the 
people  of  New  Mexico,  stating  that,  “by  geographical  position,  by 
similaritv  of  institutions,  by  commercial  interests,  and  bv  future 
destinies,"  the  territory  “pertains”  to  the  South.  In  it  he  appealed, 
“in  the  name  of  former  friendship,"  to  his  “old  comrades  in  arms” 


3 


34 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


still  in  the  ranks  of  the  Union's  defenders,  to  renounce  allegiance 
to  “the  usurpers  of  their  government  and  liberties,’’  and  to  aid  in 
enforcing  permanently  the  authority  he  represented.  He  further 
asserted : ‘‘I  am  empowered  to  receive  you  into  the  service  of  the 

Confederate  states — the  officers  upon  their  commissions,  the  men 
upon  their  enlistments.”  He  declared  that,  by  virtue  of  the  power 
vested  in  him,  he  abrogated  the  “laws  of  the  United  States  levying 
taxes  upon  the  people,”  whose  co-operation  he  solicited. 

W hile  this  movement  was  in  progress  Colonel  Canby,  in  whose 
hands  were  placed  all  of  the  Federal  military  affairs  in  New  Mexico, 
made  strenuous  efforts  during  the  summer  and  fall  to  counteract  it 
within  the  sphere  of  his  command.  He  enlarged  and  strengthened 
greatly  the  defensive  works  at  Fort  Craig,  situated  at  a sharp  bend 
in  the  Rio  Grande ; he  reenforced  its  garrison  with  regular  and  vol- 
unteer troops,  and  he  supplied  it  with  the  needed  army  stores.  He 
sought  to  protect  adequately  the  government  depot  at  Albuquerque. 
The  barracks  at  Santa  Fe  received  other  companies  of  soldiers.  He 
gave  attention  to  guarding  more  securely  fortified  posts  somewhat 
beyond  the  upper  border  of  the  territory.  Fort  Union  was  selected 
as  the  most  effective  center  for  resisting  attacks  in  its  northern 
portion.  As  was  the  case  with  most  of  the  military  posts  on  the 
western  frontier.  Fort  Union  had  been  located  and  built  with  a 
view  of  affording-  protection  against  attack  by  Indians,  but  not 
against  that  of  a trained  army  of  white  men.  Therefore,  Colonel 
Canby  ordered  constructed  near  the  old  post  a strong  and  extensive 
earthwork  fortification,  with  well-protected  storage  facilities,  into 
which  the  munitions  of  war  and  the  more  valuable  of  the  other 
property  were  removed.  He  also  provided  the  post  with  an  in- 
creased force,  and  directed  its  officers  to  be  on  their  guard  against 
surprise  by  a Confederate  force  which  he  anticipated  might  enter 
New  Mexico  from  Texas  by  way  of  either  the  Pecos  or  the  Canadian 
river,  to  cooperate  with  General  Sibley.  Beside  the  great  store  of 
army  supplies  at  the  post  for  the  use  of  the  United  States  troops, 
valued  at  about  $275,000  in  Eastern  prices,  and  which  had  been 
wagoned  across  the  plains  at  heavy  expense,  Fort  Union  was,  in  the 


PRELIMINARY  CONFEDERATE  OPERATIONS. 


35  ( 

colonel's  opinion,  the  military  kev  to  the  whole  situation,  and  there- 
fore must  be  held  at  all  hazards. 

In  1 86 1 tlie  militia  of  Xew  Mexico,  practically  unorganized,  con- 
sisted of  about  i.ooo  men,  but  the  loyal  people  of  the  territory 
promptly  undertook  the  enlistment  and  organization  of  several 
regiments — the  First,  Second,  Third,  Fourth  and  Fifth  New  Mexico 
Volunteers — the  officers  of  which  largely  were  native  New  Mexi- 
cans, most  of  them  being  men  of  ability  and  dauntless  courage.  By 
the  close  of  that  year  the  ranks  of  two  of  these  regiments  were 
nearly  complete  as  to  number  of  men,  those  of  the  others  being  only 
partly  filled.  But,  to  the  great  mortification  of  their  officers,  the 
majority  of  these  troops  later  proved  unreliable  in  the  presence  of 
the  enemy  in  an  engagement. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  year  Colonel  Canbv  requested  the  governor 
of  the  territory  of  Colorado  to  send  him  some  reenforcements,  and  in 
December  two  companies  of  Colorado  volunteer  infantry  set  out 
upon  their  march  to  his  assistance. 


CONDITIONS  IN  COLORADO  TERRITORY  IN  1861. 


The  political  conditions  in  Colorado  at  the  outbreak  of  our  Civil 
War  were  comparable,  in  many  respects,  to  those  existing-  at  the 
same  time  in  the  states  of  Kentucky  and  Missouri.  As  in  those 
states,  a large  number,  though  not  a majority,  of  the  people  were 
in  sympathy  with  the  movement  for  a dissolution  of  the  Union. 
The  initial  development  of  the  gold  diggings  of  the  territory,  some 
three  years  before,  was  the  work  of  men  from  the  South,  and  mean- 
while the  prospects  for  speedily  acquiring  modest  fortunes  from  its 
mountains  and  gulches  had  attracted  thither  several  thousands  of 
other  men  from  that  section  of  our  country.  Among  these  were 
many  who  became  leading  spirits  in  the  mining  camps  and  in  the 
primitive  towns.  But  there,  as  elsewhere  all  over  the  North,  dur- 
ing the  memorable  winter  of  1860-61,  the  more  conservative  of 
the  people  had  hoped  that  the  nation  would  not  be  plunged  into  the 
horrors  of  civil  war — that  some  means  of  peaceful  settlement  of  the 
difficulties  would  yet  be  found.  The  admission  of  Kansas  as  a state, 
in  January,  1861,  with  its  present  boundaries,  left  for  several 
months  the  western  part  of  the  former  territory  of  Kansas,  which 
had  extended  to  the  Continental  divide  and  embraced  the  Pike's 
Peak  gold  region,  without  any  form  of  organized  lawful  govern- 
ment—a “No  Man's  Land.’’ 

The  territory  of  Colorado  was  created  by  an  act  of  congress, 
which  became  a law  on  February  28,  1861.  Fortunately,  the  first 
governor  of  the  new  territory,  Major  William  Gilpin,  was  a man 
of  foresight  and  energy,  and  of  marked  intelligence,  courage  and 
patriotism.  Pie  was  born  on  the  battlefield  of  Brandywine,  in  south- 
eastern Pennsylvania,  October  4,  1813,  and  had  ancestors  who  dis- 
tinguished themselves  in  England  under  Cromwell,  and  others  who 
did  likewise  under  Washington  in  our  War  of  the  Revolution.  He 
was  graduated  by  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  and  also  by  the 
United  States  Military  Academy  at  West  Point.  He  saw  hard  serv- 


(36) 


William  Gilpin,  First  Governor  of  Colorado  Territory. 

(From  an  after-the-war  small  steel  engraving  in  the  State  Historical  and  Natural 
History  Society’s  collection.) 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


38 

ice  in  fighting  Indians  in  Florida  and  in  the  Far  West,  and  joined 
Colonel  Doniphan's  expedition  into  Mexico  in  1847.  serving  as  a 
major  in  a Missouri  regiment.  Before  and  after  this  service  with 
Doniphan  he  made  exploring  tours,  at  least  two  score  times,  across 
the  Rocky  mountains  at  various  points  and  through  the  country 
west  to  the  Pacific  Coast.  He  represented  the  earliest  settlers  in 
the  Willamette  valley  in  Oregon  before  congress,  urging  its  mem- 
bers to  provide  a territorial  government  for  them,  and  became  the 
founder  of  the  city  of  Portland  in  the  mouth  of  this  vallev,  near 
the  Columbia  river.  Few  public  men,  if  any,  ever  appreciated  more 
highly  the  importance  to  the  United  States  of  the  vast  region  he  so 
often  traversed.  To  the  executive  office  he  held  at  the  outbreak  of 
our  Civil  War  President  Lincoln  appointed  him  on  March  22,  1861. 
He  served  as  governor  of  the  territory  of  Colorado  until  May,  1862, 
when  he  was  removed  in  consequence  of  circumstances  which  are 
briefly  recounted  011  a following  page.  He  remained  a citizen  of 
the  territory  and  of  its  successor  state  until  his  lamented  death, 
which  occurred  in  the  night  of  January  19,  1894,  at  his  residence  in 
the  city  of  Denver. 

Governor  Gilpin  arrived  in  Denver  City,  the  capital  of  the  new 
territory,  on  May  29,  1861,  and  proceeded  at  once  to  organize  its 
government,  the  first  lawful  one  which  the  people  of  the  country 
may  be  said  to  have  had.  On  assuming  the  duties  of  his  position 
he  found  among  the  inhabitants  what  he  characterized  as  “a  strong 
and  malignant  secession  element,”  which  had  been  “ably  and 
secretly  organized  from  November"  of  the  previous  year.  Later 
he  wrote  that  “extreme  and  extraordinary  measures”  were  required 
“to  meet  and  control  its  onslaught." 

Up  to  the  winter  of  1860-61  the  formal  military  strength  of  the 
Pike's  Peak  country  had  not  been  awe-inspiring.  At  the  beginning 
of  1861  it  consisted  of  two  Denver  City  militia  companies,  which 
had  been  organized  under  an  “act”  of  the  “legislature"  of  “Jeffer- 
son territory”  authorizing  a military  establishment  for  “Governor” 
Steele.  One  of  these  was  the  Auraria  (West  Denver)  “Jefferson 
Rangers,”  commanded  by  Captain  H.  H.  C.  Harrison,  and  the 


CONDITIONS  IN  COLORADO  IN  1 86 1. 


39 


other  the  “Denver  Guards,”  under  the  command  of  \Y.  P.  McClure, 
the  postmaster,  and  an  ardent  and  outspoken  adherent  to  the  South- 
ern cause.  But  these  had  disbanded  early  in  the  spring-  of  1861, 
soon  after  the  news  of  the  creation  of  the  territory  of  Colorado  by 
congress  had  been  received  at  Denver  City. 

On  April  24th  an  emblem  of  the  new  government  that  had  arisen 
in  the  Southern  states  was  run  up  over  the  general  merchandise 
store  of  Wallingford  & Murphy,  on 
the  principal  business  street  in  Den- 
ver City.  Within  a few  minutes  the 
vicinity  was  crowded  by  excited  and 
angry  men,  who  declared  that  the 
flag  of  disunion  should  not  float  in 
the  town.  There  were  others  who 
thought  it  should  and  would,  and  a 
riot  seemed  near  at  hand.  But  the 
Union  men  outnumbered  the  others 
and  demanded  the  flag’s  quick  re- 
moval. Without  standing  upon  cere- 
mony, Samuel  M.  Logan,  who  soon 
afterward  became  a captain  in  the 
First  regiment  of  Colorado  Volun- 
teers, got  on  top  of  the  building,  and 
hauled  the  flag  down  before  it  had 
fluttered  long  enough  to  smooth  out 
its  creases  and  wrinkles,  and  never  captain  samuei  m.  Logan, 

^ (From  a war-time  photograph  in  the 

again  was  a Lonieclerate  nag  Hung  State  Historical  and  Natural  His- 

i 1 . _ „ tory  Society’s  collection.) 

to  the  breeze  in  Denver  City. 

So  it  was  that  when  Governor  Gilpin  went  to  Colorado  to  inaugu- 
rate civil  government  in  the  territory,  he  found  its  loyal  people  in 
a trying  situation,  one  calling  for  prompt  and  decisive  action  by 
courageous  and  steadfast  men.  They  were  isolated  by  six  hundred 
miles  of  rolling  plains  that  lay  between  them  and  the  borderland  of 
the  settled  parts  of  the  country  to  the  east;  menaced  by  Southern 
influences,  which  were  conspiring  and  plotting  to  drag  the  territory 
and  all  the  Southwest  into  the  domain  of  the  Confederacy;  and 


40 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


surrounded  by  hordes  of  Indians,  to  whose  nostrils  the  scent  of  civil 
war  among  the  people  whom  they  regarded  as  their  worst  enemies 
was  as  a sweet  incense. 

The  United  States  marshal  of  Colorado,  appointed  with  Gilpin, 
made  in  the  summer  of  1861,  as  required  by  the  law  creating  the 
territory,  a census  of  its  population,  exclusive  of  Indians,  which 
was  completed  by  September.  According  to  this  enumeration, 
which  was  thought  to  be  very  close,  there  were  18.136  white  males 
over  21  years  of  age,  2,622  under  21  years,  4,484  women,  and  89 
negroes,  a total  of  25,331. 

The  evident  need  of  immediate  action  to  save  Colorado,  to  the 
Union,  as  well  as  the  necessity  of  extending  help  to  New  Mexico 
in  resisting  attack  from  Texas,  constrained  Governor  Gilpin  to  pro- 
ceed soon  after  his  arrival  to  the  organization  of  troops  for  the  de- 
fense of  the  two  territories.  Grave  hindrances  other  than  those  due 
to  Confederate  sympathizers  were  encountered  by  him.  Proper 
equipment  and  general  supplies  for  soldiers  were  exceedingly  scarce 
in  his  territory,  and  the  “sinews  of  war”  were  almost  entirely  lack- 
ing. The  territorial  government  started  with  a weak  treasury,  and 
among  its  meager  contents  there  was  next  to  nothing  with  which 
to  provide  for  troops  in  a campaign.  Absorbed  in  his  devotion  to 
the  Union,  and  appreciating  the  gravity  of  the  situation,  he  gave 
his  government  more  of  the  character  of  a military  than  of  a civil 
establishment,  and  drove  ahead  in  doing  what  he  thought  should 
and  must  be  done. 

One  of  his  early  precautionary  measures  was  to  send  agents  forth 
among  the  people  to  buy  guns  of  any  sort,  wherever  they  could  be 
found,  paying-,  or  promising  to  pay,  high  prices  for  them.  As  most 
of  the  men  in  the  country  had  either  a rifle  or  a heavy  shot  gun, 
a comparatively  large  number  of  such  arms  was  soon  collected,  but 
as  scarcely  any  two  were  alike  they  were  poorly  adapted  for  use 
by  organized  troops.  However,  his  purpose  partly  was  to  “head 
off”  the  “malignant  secession  element”  from  obtaining  arms  of  any 
kind,  and  partly  to  have  a supply  of  such  weapons  in  case  an  emer- 
gency arose  in  which  better  ones  were  not  at  hand. 


CONDITIONS  IN  COLORADO  IN  1 86 1. 


41 


In  this  enterprise  the  governor  soon  had  very  active  competition. 
The  Confederate  sympathizers  in  Denver  City  and  its  vicinity, 
while  they  had  been  outwardly  more  quiet  since  the  flag  episode 
of  the  preceding  April,  were  by  no  means  idle.  Their  leaders  were 
resolute  men,  who  believed  firmly  in  the  righteousness  of  their  cause. 
Having  been  advised  of  the  preparations  for  and  avowed  purpose 
of  the  Confederate  movement  into  New  Mexico — that  of  detaching 
the  Southwest  from  the  Union  and  of  making  Colorado  a subse- 
quent objective — they  had  begun  organizing,  or  trying  to  as  best 
they  could  without  making  their  movements  unduly  conspicuous,  a 
force  to  co-operate  with  the  expected  invasion  from  the  South. 
They  found  it  easier  to  enroll  themselves  than  to  procure  materials 
of  war.  Equipping  a military  force  in  a community  in  which  the 
plotters  are  in  minority  is  a difficult  thing  to  do.  These  men  could 
not  bring  in  arms  and  munitions  from  outside  in  any  considerable 
number  or  quantity,  for  there  were  no  available  sources  from  which 
to  draw  them,  and  if  there  had  been,  the  chances  were  that  any  such 
shipments  would  be  discovered  and  seized  by  the  vigilant  Union 
men.  But  when  Governor  Gilpin  began  buying  miscellaneous  arms 
they  threw  off  restraint,  and  entered  the  field  for  the  purchase  of 
rifles  and  shot  guns  wherever  they  could  obtain  them,  together  with 
ammunition  to  make  the  weapons  effective.  They  went  even  so  far 
as  to  post  printed  notices  in  the  mining  camps  and  elsewhere  in  the 
vicinity  of  Denver  City,  in  which  they  named  places  where  good 
prices  would  be  paid  for  guns,  powder,  and  so  forth,  mentioning  an 
especial  desire  for  a supply  of  percussion  caps.  It  was  asserted  that 
they  had  also  planned  to  raid  the  bank  and  minting  establishment 
of  Clark,  Gruber  & Company,  as  well  as  the  larger  mercantile 
houses,  in  Denver  City,  for  the  purpose  of  capturing  gold,  which 
they  intended  to  contribute  to  the  Confederate  war  fund.  Whatever 
else  may  be  thought  or  said  of  them,  they  certainly  were  a deter- 
mined and  fearless  group  of  men.  They  succeeded  in  sending  out  a 
few  small  detachments  or  squads  of  marauders  to  intercept  supply 
trains  from  the  Missouri  river,  but  these  accomplished  nothing  of 
noteworthy  importance. 


42 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


Earlv  in  the  autumn  the  Southern  men  who  were  determined  at 
once  to  take  up  arms  in  behalf  of  the  Confederate  cause  began  to 
leave  Colorado  quietly  and  unostentatiously  as  individuals,  and  not 
as  an  organized  military  body  marching  forth  with  the  pomp  and 
circumstance  of  war.  A large  number  of  them  thus  departed  and 
entered  the  Confederate  armies,  and  served  in  them  throughout  the 
struggle.  They  had  the  courage  of  their  convictions.  Yet  it  was 
believed  by  some  Union  men  that  among  those  who  remained 
longer  there  existed  two  full  companies,  secretly  organized,  that 
awaited  the  time  and  opportunity  to  act  as  auxiliaries  to  the  Con- 
federate invasion  of  the  Southwest. 

A tragic  story  was  told  in  Denver  City  the  next  year  of  the  fate 
of  a few  men  who  left  the  territory  in  1861  and  joined  the  Southern 
forces,  and  started  to  return  some  months  later.  This  small  party, 
of  which  W.  P.  McClure,  heretofore  mentioned,  was  a member, 
went  to  the  army  of  General  Sterling  Price.  They  persuaded  Gen- 
eral Price  that  they  could  easily  raise  a Confederate  regiment  in 
Colorado.  Therefore,  commissions  were  obtained  for  enough  of 
them,  including  McClure,  to  make  a full  complement  of  regimental 
officers ; and  they,  with  a few  others,  who  expected  to  become  com- 
pany officers,  set  out  across  the  plains  for  Colorado  early  in  1862, 
to  recruit  the  regiment.  The  Federal  authorities  heard  of  the  move- 
ment, and  sent  a mounted  detachment  of  enlisted  Osage  Indian 
scouts  to  capture  or  destroy  the  band  of  newly-fledged  Confederate 
officers.  According  to  the  story,  the  party  was  intercepted  on  the 
southeastern  plains,  and  in  the  fight  that  ensued  its  every  man  was 
killed,  and  the  Indian  scouts,  to  show  that  orders  had  been  obeyed 
to  the  very  letter,  cut  off  the  heads  of  all  and  carried  these  back  with 
them  as  evidence. 

O11  October  26,  1861,  Governor  Gilpin  stated  that  “the  core  of 
the  Rebellion”  in  Colorado  “has  at  present  withdrawn,  to  gather 
strength,”  particularly  in  Texas  and  from  the  Indian  tribes  in  the 
Indian  territory,  with  the  view  of  returning  to  overwhelm  opposi- 
tion to  itself  among  the  loyal  citizens.  But  those  who  formed  the 
“core”  did  not  return. 


CONDITIONS  IN  COLORADO  IN  1 86 1 . 


43 


The  two  companies  of  Colorado  volunteers  sent  to  the  assistance 
of  Colonel  Canbv  in  New  Me.Nico,  in  response  to  his  appeal  made 
toward  the  close  of  the  year  i86t.  as  mentioned  on  a preceding 
page,  were  the  first  organizations  to  leave  Colorado  for  service  in 
the  war  for  the  Union.  They  were  familiar}-  known  in  the  terri- 
tory at  that  time  as  “Captain  ‘Jim’  Ford's  Independent  Company' 
and  “Captain  Dodd's  Independent  Company,"  both  of  which  were 
recruited  in  and  around  Canon  City,  which  became  their  rendez- 
vous. On  August  29,  1861,  Governor  Gilpin  authorized  James 
H.  Ford  to  raise  a company  of 
infantry,  of  which  he  appointed 
him  captain.  This  was  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Second  regiment 
of  Colorado  Volunteers,  the  later 
organization  of  which  the  gover- 
nor then  had  in  mind.  The  next 
day  he  appointed  Alexander  \Y. 

Robb  first  lieutenant  and  Cyrus 
H.  DeForrest,  Jr.,  second  lieu- 
tenant of  the  company.  On 
August  30th  Theodore  FT.  Dodd 
was  appointed  first  lieutenant  of 
another  company,  and  soon  after- 
ward began  at  Canon  City  to  en- 
list men  for  it.  Recruiting  for 
these  organizations  proceeded 
through  the  autumn  of  1861,  and  hv  December  the  ranks  of  both 
were  filled. 

Dodd's  company  left  Canon  City  December  7th,  and  marched  to 
Fort  Garland,  in  the  San  Luis  valley,  Colorado,  by  way  of  the 
Sangre  de  Cristo  pass,  a distance  of  no  miles,  and  at  that  fort,  on 
December  14th.  was  mustered  into  the  United  States  service  for 
three  years,  with  Dodd  as  its  captain.  One  entry  in  the  military 
records  of  that  period  mentions  it  as  an  “independent  company  of 
foot  Volunteers,"  but  in  another  it  is  provisionallv  designated  as 
Company  A of  the  Second  Colorado  Infantry.  On  December  27th 
Joseph  C.  W.  Hall  became  second  lieutenant;  the  records,  so  far  as 


Captain  James  H.  Ford. 

(From  a war-time  photograph  in  the 
State  Historical  and  Natural  His- 
tory Society’s  collection.) 


44 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


there  are  any  on  file  in  the  Colorado  capitol,  being  silent  as  to  the 
first  lieutenant. 

Ford’s  company  set  out  from  Canon  City  on  December  12th  for 
Fort  Garland,  where  it  arrived  on  the  21st,  and  was  mustered  in 
for  three  years’  service  on  the  24th  of  that  month,  provisionally  as 
Company  B,  Second  Colorado  Infantry,  its  officers  being  those  com- 
missioned by  Governor  Gilpin  near  the  close  of  the  previous  August. 

Captain  Dodd’s  “foot  Volun- 
ters”  were  hurried  to  Santa  Fe, 
and  after  a few  days  in  camp 
there  put  out,  with  other  troops, 
on  the  long  march  down  the  Rio 
Grande  valley  to  Fort  Craig, 
where  they  joined  Colonel  Can- 
by’s  forces  in  time  to  participate 
in  the  hot  battle  of  Valverde,  on 
February  21,  1862,  in  which  they 
accpiitted  themselves  gallantly. 

Captain  Ford’s  company  re- 
mained at  Fort  Garland  until 
February  4,  1862,  when  it  started 
for  Santa  Fe,  where  it  arrived  on 
March  4th,  having  to  break  a 
roadway  through  deep  snow  a 
great  part  of  the  distance.  On  March  5th  it  left  Santa  Fe  for  Fort 
Union,  to  strengthen  the  small  garrison  at  that  post,  where  it  ar- 
rived on  March  nth. 

In  September  and  the  fore  part  of  October,  1861,  two  companies 
of  home  guards  were  organized  in  Denver  City  for  six  months’ 
service,  and  were  designated  No.  1 and  No.  2.  Of  Company  1 
Joseph  Ziegelmuller  was  appointed  captain;  Jacob  Garres,  first  lieu- 
tenant, and  William  Wise,  second  lieutenant,  by  Governor  Gilpin, 
late  in  August.  Of  Company  2 the  governor,  about  the  middle  of 
September,  appointed  James  W.  Iddings,  captain;  John  A.  Latta, 
first  lieutenant,  and  Adamson  T.  Dayton,  second  lieutenant.  These 
organizations  performed  duty  in  Denver  City  and  at  Camp  Weld. 


Captain  Theodore  H.  Dodd. 

(From  a war-time  photograph  in  the 
State  Historical  and  Natural  His- 
tory Society’s  Collection.) 


CONDITIONS  IN  COLORADO  IN  l86l. 


45 


They  were  recognized  by  the  war  department,  duly  paid  for  their 
services,  and  mustered  out  in  the  spring  of  1862. 

But  the  great  military  undertaking  of  Governor  Gilpin  and  the 
loyal  people  of  the  territory,  in  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1861, 
was  that  of  enlisting  and  getting  into  shape  the  very  stalwart  body 
of  men  known  as  the  First  regiment  of  Colorado  Volunteer  In- 
fantry, an  organization  which  finally  arrested  and  hopelessly 
crushed,  almost  entirely  by  its  own  valor  and  strategy,  the  Con- 
federate campaign  in  New  Mexico.  Early  in  the  summer  offers  had 
been  made  from  Colorado  to  the  secretary  of  war  to  furnish  imme- 
diately several  companies,  either  of  infantry  or  of  cavalry,  composed 
of  “men  inured  to  toil  and  hardship,”  but  were  ignobly  repelled  by 
the  war  department.  Notwithstanding  the  feeling  of  disappoint- 
ment caused  by  this  rebuff  from  the  general  government,  Governor 
Gilpin  and  other  patriotic  Colorado  men  resolved  to  organize  a full 
regiment  of  infantry.  The  governor’s  direct  authority  from  Wash- 
ington for  doing  so,  if  any  he  obtained,  is  surrounded  by  much 
obscurity.  But  this  does  not  matter  now. 

A movement  was  started  in  July  by  Samuel  H.  Cook  and  two 
associates  in  the  South  Clear  Creek  Mining  District  to  raise  a 
mounted  company  for  service  under  General  “Jim”  Lane  in  Kansas. 
Cook  soon  succeeded  in  filling-  his  company,  but  the  governor  per- 
suaded him  and  his  men  to  remain  in  the  territory  and  join  the  new 
regiment.  Authority  to  enlist  other  companies  had  been  given  to 
eager  applicants,  and  recruiting  offices  opened  in  Denver  City,  in 
the  Clear  Creek  mining  towns,  at  Boulder  City,  Colorado  City,  and 
at  several  other  places.  A military  camp,  named  “Camp  Weld,” 
in  honor  of  Territorial  Secretary  Lewis  L.  Weld,  was  established 
on  the  Platte  river,  about  two  miles  above  what  there  then  was  of 
Denver  City.  Its  locality  is  just  west  of  the  present  artificial  body 
of  water  called  “Lake  Archer.”  Here,  at  a cost  of  about  $40,000, 
“comfortable  and  sufficient  barracks"  were  constructed  for  the 
troops,  and  as  the  companies  were  formed  they  went  into  quarters 
there.  By  the  first  of  October  the  ranks  of  most  of  the  companies 
were  completely  filled. 


Colonel  John  P.  Slough,  of  the  First  Colorado  Regiment 


(From  a war-time  photograph  loaned  by  Mr.  Samuel  C. 
Dorsey,  of  Denver.) 

Colonel  Slough  resigned  in  April,  1862. 


CONDITIONS  IN  COLORADO  IN  l86l. 


47 


Appointments  of  company  recruiting  officers  had  been  made  in 
July  and  in  the  earlier  part  of  August,  and  near  the  close  rff  the 
last  named  month  the  principal  regimental  officers  and  most'of  the 
company  officers  were  commissioned  by  Governor  Gilpin,  a majority 
of  the  commissions  being-  dated  August  26th.  John  P.  Slough,  a 
prominent  lawyer  of  Denver  City  and  recruiting  captain  of  Com- 
pany A,  which  he  had  enlisted  in  that  town,  was  made  colonel. 
Born  and  reared  in  Cincinnati.  Ohio,  he  had  been  a member  of  the 
legislature  of  his  native  state,  and  secretary  of  the  Ohio  Democratic 
state  central  committee.  While  not  an  ideal  military  leader,  he  was 
a very  capable  man.  Samuel  F.  Tappan,  who  as  captain  had  re- 
cruited Company  B at  Central  City  and  Black  Hawk,  was  appointed 
lieutenant-colonel.  To  John  M.  Chivington,  presiding  elder  of  the 
Rocky  Mountain  district  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  church,  the 
place  of  chaplain  was  tendered,  but  as  he  insisted  upon  having  a 
strictly  fighting-  position,  and  was  enthusiastically  for  the  Union, 
he  was  made  major  of  the  regiment — a most  fortunate  appointment. 
Later  (November  1st)  Rev.  J.  H.  Kehler,  of  the  Protestant  Epis- 
copal church,  accepted  the  chaplaincy.  On  September  14th  Dr. 
John  F.  Hamilton  was  appointed  surgeon  and  Dr.  Lewis  C.  Tolies 
assistant  surgeon.  About  the  middle  of  October  the  positions  of 
quartermaster  and  adjutant  were  filled  by  company  officers  as  men- 
tioned below. 

The  department  of  the  adjutant-general  of  the  state  of  Colorado 
inherited  from  the  territorial  period  but  few  records  of  the  Colo- 
rado militarv  organizations  that  served  in  the  Civil  War,  nearlv  all 
of  those  which  it  now  possesses  being  copies,  secured  by  virtue  of 
perseverance,  of  such  as  were  available  in  the  war  department  at 
Washington.  But  these,  beside  being  confused  and  even  contra- 
dictory in  various  details,  and  deficient  as  to  important  particulars, 
such  as  the  names  of  the  killed  and  the  wounded,  are  far  from  com- 
plete in  series.  However,  in  the  following  we  have,  according  to 
the  scattered  data  in  these  records,  the  names  and  rank  of  the  origi- 
nal company  officers,  together  with  the  changes  made  among  them 
when  the  regimental  officers  were  appointed,  as  well  as  other 


48 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


changes  up  to  the  time  when  the  organization  marched  forth  upon 
its  victorious  campaign  in  New  Mexico : 

Company  A — John  P.  Slough,  captain;  James  R.  Shaffer,  first 
lieutenant ; Edward  W.  Wynkoop,  second  lieutenant.  W hen  Cap- 
tain Slough  was  appointed  colonel.  Lieutenant  Wynkoop  was  pro- 
moted captain  of  the  company,  and  Joseph  C.  Davidson,  who  had 
been  first  sergeant  of  Company  C,  succeeded  Wynkoop  as  second 
lieutenant  of  Company  A.  The  regimental  roster  states  that  David- 
son was  “appointed  adjutant  October  iS,  1861,”  while  the  pay  roll 
of  January  I,  1862,  has  him  serving  as  second  lieutenant  of  this 
company.  Probably  he  was  detailed  to  act  as  adjutant,  instead  ot 
being  “appointed.”  On  February  7,  1862,  Davidson  was  promoted 
first  lieutenant  and  transferred  to  Company  E to  succeed  Lieutenant 
Buell,  deceased.  The  records  do  not  show  who  succeeded  him  at 
that  time  as  second  lieutenant  of  Company  A. 


Dr.  John  F.  Hamilton,  Surgeon  of  the 
First  Colorado  Regiment. 

(From  a war-time  photograph  loaned 
by  Mr.  Samuel  C.  Dorsey,  of  Den- 
ver.) 


Company  D — Jacob  Downing, 
lieutenant;  Eli  Dickerson,  second  lieutenant, 
recruited  principally  at  Denver  City. 


Company  B — Samuel  F.  Tap- 
pan,  captain ; Isaac  Gray,  first 
lieutenant;  Edward  A.  Jacobs, 
second  lieutenant.  When  Cap- 
tain Tappan  was  appointed  lieu- 
tenant-colonel,  Samuel  M.  Logan, 
who  appears  to  have  been  an  “un- 
attached" first  lieutenant  since 
July  27th,  was  commissioned  cap- 
tain of  the  company. 

Company  C — Richard  Sopris, 
captain ; Alfred  S.  Cobb,  first  lieu- 
tenant; Clark  Chambers,  second 
lieutenant.  Most  of  the  men  of 
this  company  were  enlisted  at 
Denver  City  and  in  the  Buckskin 
Joe  mining  district, 
captain ; William  F.  Roath,  first 
This  company  was 


CONDITIONS  IN  COLORADO  IN  1 86 1. 


49 


Company  E — Scott  J.  Anthony,  captain;  Julius  O.  Buell,  first 
lieutenant;  James  A.  Dawson,  second  lieutenant.  Buell  died  at 
Camp  Weld  on  February  6,  1862 — the  first  death  among  the  offi- 
cers— and  was  succeeded  by  Joseph  C.  Davidson,  former  second 
lieutenant  of  Company  A.  Chiefly,  the  company  was  enlisted  in  the 
mining  towns  of  Oro  City  and  Laurett  and  in  their  vicinity. 

Company  F — Samuel  H.  Cook,  captain;  George  Nelson,  first  lieu- 
tenant ; William  F.  Marshall,  second  lieutenant.  Recruited  in  the 
South  Clear  Creek  mining  district. 

Company  G — Josiah  W.  Hambleton,  captain;  William  F.  Wilder, 
first  lieutenant;  John  C.  Anderson,  second  lieutenant.  On  Novem- 
ber 30,  1861,  Captain  Hambleton  was  cashiered  by  court  martial 
for  insubordination.  First  Fieutenant  Wilder  then  was  promoted 
captain  of  the  company;  Second  Lieutenant  Anderson,  who  had 
been  serving  as  quartermaster  of  the  regiment  since  October  14th, 
was  promoted  first  lieutenant,  and  First  Sergeant  George  H. 
Hardin  was  promoted  second  lieutenant  to  succeed  Anderson.  Later 
(in  July,  1862)  Captain  Hambleton  was  given  an  honorable  dis- 
charge, and  enlisted  in  the  Third  regiment  of  Colorado  Volunteers, 
of  one  of  the  companies  of  which  he  was  subsequently  appointed 
second  lieutenant.  Nearly  all  of  the  enlistments  in  this  company 
were  made  at  Nevada,  Empire  City  and  neighboring  Clear  Creek 
mining  camps. 

Company  H — George  L.  Sanborn,  captain;  Jacob  P.  Bonesteel, 
first  lieutenant;  Byron  N.  Sanford,  second  lieutenant.  This  com- 
pany, which  was  originally  intended  by  Captain  Sanborn  to  be  of 
the  “Zouave”  order,  and  to  be  taken  to  the  states,  was  recruited 
mainly  at  Central  City. 

Company  I — Charles  Mailie,  captain : Charles  Kerber,  first  lieu- 
tenant; John  Baker,  second  lieutenant.  The  company  consisted 
mostly  of  Germans,  and  was  enlisted  in  Denver  City,  and  in  Central 
City  and  other  towns  in  the  Clear  Creek  mining  districts. 

Company  K — Charles  P.  Marion,  captain ; George  S.  Eayers.  first 
lieutenant ; Robert  McDonald,  second  lieutenant.  Captain  Marion 
was  cashiered  on  November  30,  1861,  for  insubordination,  Samuel 
H.  Robbins  being  commissioned  to  succeed  him.  Lieutenant  Eay- 


4 


5° 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  T LI E CIVIL  WAR. 


ers  then  resigned,  and  Silas  S.  Soule  was  appointed  as  his  succes- 
sor. Lieutenant  Eayers  afterward  became  first  lieutenant  of 
McLain’s  famous  Colorado  battery.  Most  of  the  men  of  this  com- 
pany hailed  from  Central  City  and  Denver. 

On  December  18th  George  L.  Shoup  was  appointed  second  lieu- 
tenant, and  appears  to  have  been  assigned  to  duty  on  Colonel 
Slough's  staff.  A decade  or  so  ago  he  was  elected  United  States 
senator  from  the  state  of  Idaho.  On  February  n,  1862,  Charles 
C.  Hawley,  who  also  figures  as  one  of  Colonel  Slough’s  staff  officers, 
was  appointed  second  lieutenant. 

The  material  of  the  regiment  probably  was  as  good  as  any  that 
ever  was  brought  together  in  a military  organization.  The  men 
were  uncommonly  hardy  and  well  seasoned,  and  not  in  the  habit  of 
being  afraid.  The  average  height  of  those  of  Company  A,  which 
may  be  taken  as  a representative  unit  of  the  regiment,  was  5 feet 
8V2  inches,  the  tallest  being  6 feet  3*4  inches.  The  “cosmopolitan” 
character  of  the  population  of  the  territory  of  Colorado  at  that  time 
was  reflected  in  the  nativity  of  the  members  of  the  same  company 
when  it  was  mustered  into  the  service:  New  York,  17;  Ohio,  9; 
Vermont,  5;  Pennsylvania,  4:  Illinois,  3;  Virginia,  Indiana  and 
New  Jersey,  each  2;  Maine,  Maryland,  Massachusetts,  Rhode 
Island,  Michigan,  Missouri  and  Iowa,  each  1 ; Ireland,  7 ; Canada, 
6 ; Scotland,  4;  Germany  and  England,  each  2;  Wales,  1. 

Late  in  the  autumn  three  companies  of  the  regiment  were  sent 
to  Fort  Wise  (afterward  renamed  “Fort  Lyon.”  in  honor  of  Gen- 
eral Nathaniel  Lyon,  the  Federal  commander  who  was  killed  in  the 
battle  of  Wilson’s  Creek,  Missouri),  on  the  Arkansas  river,  more 
than  two  hundred  miles  southeast  of  Denver  City,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Tappan,  to  garrison  that  post,  the 
other  companies  remaining  in  quarters  at  Camp  Weld,  of  which 
Major  Chivington  had  been  placed  in  immediate  charge. 

This  stout-hearted  soldier,  John  Milton  Chivington,  was  born 
January  27,  1821,  near  Lebanon,  Ohio.  His  father  was  an  Irish- 
man and  his  mother  was  of  Scotch  descent,  both  of  whom  lived 
near  Lexington,  Kentucky.  Soon  after  their  marriage  they  re- 
moved to  Warren  county,  Ohio.  The  father  had  been  a soldier 


Major  John  M.  Chivington,  of  the  First  Colorado  Regiment. 

(From  a war-time  photograph  in  the  State  Historical  and  Natural  History  Society’s 

Collection.) 

Major  Chivington  was  promoted  Colonel  of  the  Regiment  in  April,  1SG2. 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


5^ 

under  General  William  Henry  Harrison  in  the  War  of  1812,  with 
England,  and  fought  with  him,  October  5,  1813,  in  the  Battle  of 
the  Thames,  in  Canada.  The  son  had  inherited  the  martial  spirit 
of  his  father,  and  was,  as  often  remarked  by  his  friends,  “a  born 
fighter."  In  addition,  he  was  a staunch  antagonist  to  human  slav- 
ery. He  joined  in  1848  the  conference  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church  at  Pleasant  Green,  Cooper  county,  Missouri,  and  was  or- 
dained a preacher.  He  delivered  his  first  sermon  in  Quincy,  Illinois, 
and  thereafter  was  engaged  in  church  work  in  Illinois,  Missouri  and 
Nebraska — exhibiting  wonderful  power  in  the  camp  meetings  of 
his  denomination — until  he  removed  to  Denver  City  in  i860.  Dur- 
ing the  four  next  preceding  years  he  had  served  as  a presiding  elder 
in  Nebraska,  having  his  residence  part  of  the  time  in  Omaha  and 
part  in  Nebraska  City.  He  came  to  Colorado  as  presiding  elder  of 
the  Rocky  Mountain  district,  a church  office  which  he  was  filling 
acceptably  at  the  time  the  First  regiment  of  Colorado  Volunteers 
was  organized.  He  left  Colorado  a few  years  after  the  Civil  War, 
and  resided  in  California  and  in  Ohio  until  1883,  when  he  returned 
to  Denver,  where  he  remained  the  rest  of  his  days,  his  death  occur- 
ring on  October  4,  1894.  His  brother,  Lewis  Chivington,  a gallant 
colonel  in  the  Confederate  army,  was  killed  August  10,  1861,  in  the 
bloody  battle  of  Wilson’s  Creek. 

Chivington  developed  extraordinary  military  ability,  although  he 
had  had  no  military  training  before  he  abandoned  the  pulpit  for  the 
battlefield.  In  action  he  became  the  incarnation  of  war.  The  brav- 
est of  the  brave,  a giant  in  stature,  and  a whirlwind  in  strife,  he 
had,  also,  the  rather  unusual  qualities  that  go  to  make  soldiers  per- 
sonally love  such  a leader  and  eager  to  follow  him  into  the  jaws  of 
death.  The  admiration  and  devotion  of  his  men  became  unbounded. 
He  was  their  ideal  of  a dashing,  fearless,  fighting  commander. 

Now  a few  words  concerning  the  transactions  which  led  to  Gov- 
ernor Gilpin's  removal  from  his  position  as  chief  executive  of  the 
territory  of  Colorado.  During  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1861, 
when  the  enlistment  of  the  First  regiment  of  Colorado  Volunteers 
and  of  the  two  independent  companies  was  under  way.  and  also 
during  a large  part  of  the  time  in  which  these  troops  remained 


CONDITIONS  IN  COLORADO  IN  1 86 1 . 


53 


in  Colorado  inactive,  the  treasury  of  the  territory  was  practically 
without  money  for  military  purposes.  The  Washington  govern- 
ment had  placed  no  war  fund  at  the  governor's  disposal,  nor  had  it 
conferred  upon  him  any  authority  to  create  indebtedness  on  Federal 
account.  To  organize  and  maintain,  even  for  a short  period,  such 
a number  of  soldiers  requires  the  expenditure  of  a comparatively 
large  sum  of  money.  As  the  territory  was  without  ready  means 
with  which  to  make  such  expenditures,  the  governor  met  the  emer- 
gency with  a method  that  he  believed  to  be  proper  and  justified. 
In  payment  of  incidental  expenses  and  for  general  military  supplies 
he  issued  negotiable  drafts  directly  upon  the  national  treasury  at 
Washington,  for  which  he  had  no  legal  authority.  These  drafts 
were  willingly  accepted  by  those  to  whom  money  was  due  on  mili- 
tary account,  and  some  of  them  passed  from  hand  to  hand  in  Colo- 
rado as  currency,  upon  the  presumption  that  they  were  valid  docu- 
ments. which  would  be  paid  without  question  when  they  finally 
reached  Washington.  The  sum  of  such  drafts  issued  by  the  gov- 
ernor was  about  $375,000. 

When  these  issues  appeared  at  Washington  they  were  repudiated 
by  the  treasury  department  and  went  to  protest.  The  effect  of  this 
was  ruinous  to  merchants  and  many  others  in  Colorado  who  had 
assisted  in  organizing  and  maintaining  the  troops.  Governor  Gil- 
pin's situation  may  be  imagined.  A bitter  public  sentiment  arose 
against  him.  and  he  was  assailed  upon  every  hand  by  exasperated 
holders  of  his  drafts.  As  an  old  army  officer  he  was  held  to  have 
known  the  government's  rigid  financial  methods,  and  it  was  prin- 
cipally because  of  bis  presumed  knowledge  of  such  matters  that  the 
people  had  unquestioningly  accepted  his  irregular  and  illegal  orders 
upon  the  national  treasury.  He  declared  that  he  had  been  person- 
ally assured  by  men  high  in  authority  in  Washington  that  this  irreg- 
ular method  would  be  recognized  in  the  emergency  and  that  his 
drafts  would  be  honored,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  he 
had  been  given  some  such  assurance.  However,  there  was  a storm 
at  Washington  over  the  matter,  which  the  governor  endeavored  to 
allay,  and  to  secure  payment  of  the  drafts,  by  going  there  and  stat- 
ing the  conditions  existing  in  Colorado.  But  in  this  he  was  unsuc- 


) 


View  of  Denver  City  in  the  Civil  War  Period. 

(From  a lithograph  of  a drawing  made  by  Albert  E.  Matthews  in  1865,  in  the  collection  of  early  views  in  Colorado  of  Mr.  Charles  R. 
Dudley,  of  Denver.  Between  the  beginning  and  the  close  of  the  war  the  town  made  very  slow  progress,  and  its  general  appear- 
ance was  but  little  changed.) 


CONDITIONS  IN  COLORADO  IN  l86l. 


55 


cessful.  The  affair  finally  became  one  for  cabinet  consideration, 
and  the  result  of  this  was  that  John  Evans,  of  Illinois,  came  to 
Colorado  in  May,  1862,  as  Gilpin's  successor — within  two  months 
after  the  regiment  which  had  been  chiefly  the  indirect  cause  of  the 
trouble  had  defeated  the  Confederates  at  La  Glorieta,  and  practically 
ended  their  operations  in  New  Mexico. 

Later  a large  part  of  the  indebtedness  was  paid  by  the  Washing- 
ton government.  Original  holders  of  Governor  Gilpin’s  paper,  who 
could  prepare  itemized  and  verified  accounts  of  their  claims  for 
which  drafts  had  been  issued  in  payment,  succeeded  in  getting  their 
money  after  more  or  less  delay.  But  the  drafts,  as  such,  were  not 
recognized  in  any  manner  by  the  treasury  department,  and  every 
one  of  them  which  had  passed  from  original  hands  and  could  not 
successfully  be  thrown  back  upon  the  person  to  whom  it  had  been 
issued  became  a total  loss  to  the  holder.  Much  of  the  paper  was 
rendered  worthless  by  payees,  who  had  passed  it  to  others,  becom- 
ing scattered,  many  of  them  having  left  the  territory  before  the  gov- 
ernment began  to  adjust  and  pay  any  of  the  claims. 

But  no  one  questioned  Governor  Gilpin’s  integrity,  the  purity  of 
his  purpose,  or  the  sincerity  of  his  zeal  to  protect  the  people  from 
invasion,  and  to  serve  them  to  the  best  of  his  ability.  He  was  in 
some  ways  a “visionary"  man,  whose  mind  and  thoughts  occasion- 
ally were  far  above  the  practical  affairs  of  everv-day  life,  and  his 
enthusiasm  for  the  Union  overshadowed  all  other  things.  Not- 
withstanding the  unfortunate  consequences  of  his  method  of  finan- 
cing his  military  preparations,  the  people,  not  only  those  of  Colo- 
rado, but  of  the  country  at  large,  were  immeasurably  indebted  to 
him  for  the  promptness,  vigor  and  earnestness  with  which  he  made 
ready  for  war. 


GENERAL  SIBLEY’S  MOVEMENT  UP  THE  RIO  GRANDE 

valley. 


It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  General  Sibley  arrived  at 
Fort  Bliss,  Texas,  near  the  close  of  the  year  1861,  and  then  took 
personal  command  of  the  forces  he  had  raised  for  the  consummation 
of  the  Confederate  purposes  in  the  Southwest,  New  Mexico  having 
been  claimed  as  already  belonging  to  the  Southern  Confederacy. 
On  the  nth  of  January,  1862,  he  was  still  detained  at  this  fort,  but 
the  main  portion  of  his  brigade  had  crossed  the  boundary  line  be- 
tween Texas  and  New  Mexico  some  three  weeks  before,  and  was 
encamped  in  the  Mesilla  valley,  thirty  miles  to  the  north.  In  the 
succeeding  five  days  he  had  joined  these  troops  and  was  conducting 
their  march  to  Fort  Thorn,  forty  miles  farther  up  the  Rio  Grande, 
where  he  remained  with  them  until  the  fore  part  of  February.  Thus 
nearly  two  months  had  been  lost  in  waiting  for  belated  reenforce- 
ments from  San  Antonio  to  reach  him.  During  that  time  lie  was 
engaged  in  completing  arrangements  to  have  the  orders  of  Presi- 
dent Davis  executed  in  securing  a regiment  of  natives  by  enlistment 
and  conscription.  He  sent  a detachment  of  his  small  army  to 
Tucson,  two  hundred  and  fifty  miles  to  the  west,  to  hold  the  west- 
ern part  of  New  Mexico  for  the  Confederacy  and  to  sustain  the 
authority  of  Colonel  John  R.  Baylor,  its  military  governor,  and 
which  arrived  there  on  February  28th.  He  dispatched  one  of  his 
officers,  Colonel  James  Reily,  as  an  envoy  to  the  chief  executive 
of  the  state  of  Chihuahua  in  Mexico,  to  whom  was  delivered  a com- 
munication from  him,  and  from  whom  he  received  a satisfactory 
response.  According  to  General  Sibley’s  report,  “friendship  and 
good  will"  were  pledged  by  one  to  the  other,  and  a treaty  formed  to 
“establish  friendly  relations"  between  their  respective  governments. 
The  governor  declared  that  “he  would  not  permit  Federal  troops 
to  pass  through  his  territory  to  invade  Texas;"  that  he  would  not 
officially  sanction  the  occupancy  of  any  part  of  it  “by  foreign 
troops;’’  that  he  would  not  prevent  the  purchase  of  supplies  in  his 

(56) 


SIBLEYS  MOVEMENT  UP  THE  RIO  GRANDE  VALLEY. 


57 


state  by  any  one  in  the  Texan  expedition,  and  that,  whenever  neces- 
sary, he  would  afford  protection  to  the  persons  and  property  of  the 
citizens  of  the  Confederacy.  Colonel  Reily  boastfully  congratulated 
his  general  “on  having  obtained  the  first  official  recognition  of  the 
government  of  the  Southern  States”  by  any  foreign  power.  He 
proceeded  afterward  with  an  escort  on  a similar  mission  to  the 
state  of  Sonora  in  Mexico,  but  was  reported  to  have  secured  from 
its  chief  executive  only  the  privilege  “of  buying  for  cash  anything” 
its  people  had  to  sell. 


i From  a wood  engraving  in  “El  Gringo,”  by  W.  W.  H.  Davis,  1857.) 

On  the  yth  of  February  General  Sibley  set  out  from  Fort  Thorn 
with  about  3,000  men,  fifteen  pieces  of  artillery,  and  a long  and 
heavy  supply  train,  upon  his  march  up  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  and  on  the  12th  of  that  month  he  was 
in  camp  at  a point  seven  miles  below  Fort  Craig.  Four  days  after- 
ward he  offered  battle  on  an  open  plain  within  two  miles  of  the 
post,  to  its  garrison  under  Colonel  Canby,  who  declined  the  chal- 
lenge, as  he  hoped  to  select  a position  more  advantageous  to  him- 
self, and  because  his  troops,  especially  his  New  Mexico  volunteers, 
were,  he  feared,  much  less  effective  on  an  open  battlefield.  The 
Texans  withdrew  down  the  valley  on  the  19th  of  February,  and  at 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


58 

their  former  camp  crossed  the  river  to  its  east  bank.  To  pass  the 
fort  on  their  left  beyond  the  range  of  its  guns,  and  to  arrive  at  the 
upper  ford  in  the  river,  twelve  miles  above  and  five  from  Fort 
Craig,  where  they  could  compel  the  Federals  to  meet  them  in  a 
general  engagement,  they  moved  northward  on  the  following  day 
over  extremely  rough  ground,  and  made  a “dry  camp”  late  in  the 
afternoon  in  a pine  grove  between  ridges  of  malpais  rock,  near  the 
ends  of  immense  volcanic  overflows  from  at  least  two  craters  thirty 
to  forty  miles  to  the  eastward.  Owing  to  ridges  in  the  overflows, 
some  of  them  sixty  feet  in  height,  between  the  camp  and  the  river, 
it  was  impossible  for  the  troops  at  the  fort,  with  their  cavalry  and 
artillery,  to  reach  the  Confederates  in  their  camp,  which  was  about 
two  miles  directly  to  the  east,  and  so  only  feeble  efforts  could  be 
made  to  interrupt,  much  less  to  prevent,  their  march  to  the  upper 
ford. 

This  crossing  was  near  an  old  hamlet  called  Valverde,  and  is 
now  bordered  on  the  west  by  the  town  of  San  Marcial.  Valverde 
is  somewhat  famous  in  the  early,  as  well  as  in  the  later,  history  of 
the  valley.  Expeditions  along  the  Rio  Grande  often  halted  here  to 
rest  and  to  plan  their  future  operations.  They  found  here  large 
groves  of  pine  and  cottonwood,  particularly  on  the  east  side  of  the 
stream,  and  an  easy  access  to  water  for  themselves  and  their  ani- 
mals. Here  the  Army  of  the  West,  under  General  Kearny,  after 
taking  possession  of  New  Mexico,  met  late  in  1846  the  celebrated 
scout.  Kit  Carson,  who  had  brought  from  southern  California  an 
express  stating  that  Colonel  Fremont  and  Commodore  Stockton 
had  received  the  surrender  of  that  country,  and  that  the  American 
flag  was  floating  in  every  part  of  it.  Kearny’s  army  was  here  di- 
vided, one  portion  proceeding  under  Colonel  Doniphan  down  the 
valley  on  its  way  to  Chihuahua  in  Mexico,  and  the  other,  under 
General  Kearny,  to  southern  California,  with  Carson  returning  as 
the  guide. 

At  Valverde,  on  February  21,  1862,  occurred  the  first  severe  en- 
gagement between  the  Union  and  the  Confederate  forces  in  the 
Southwest,  and,  considering  the  comparatively  small  number  of 
troops  engaged,  it  was  a desperate  encounter.  The  day  was  a 


107- 


106° 


KJ,  , ;SA*TA  FE 

FORTMARCY 

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S«  1 eo  ''fe  S an  Miguel 

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Paiaritoc 


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34° 


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V 


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CV'alverde. 

WORTC^IG  | 

&FraCri s t oT>aJ.  ® 

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Map  of  the  Rio  Grande  Valley  From  El  Paso  to  Santa  Fe. 

(From  a Military  Map  issued  by  the  War  Department  in  1857,  in  the  State  Historical 
and  Natural  History  Society’s  collection.) 


6o 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


typical  one  of  early  spring-  in  New  Mexico,  with  a clear  sky  and  a 
cool  and  bracing-  atmosphere.  The  battlefield  terminated  on  the 
south  in  the  Mesa  de  la  Contadera,  which,  composed  of  sandrock 
covered  by  lava,  rises  over  three  hundred  feet  abruptly  from  the 
river  and  the  plain,  and  extends  easterly  three  miles.  Rows  of 
small  hills  and  sand  ridges  run,  not  far  back  from  the  river,  north- 
ward over  a mile  to  another,  but  lower,  mesa.  A grove  or  bosque 
of  large  cottonwood  trees,  with  openings  between  them,  filled  a con- 
siderable part  of  this  area. 

Early  in  the  morning  the  Texans  left  their  camp  opposite  Fort 
Craig,  and  went  in  detachments  during  the  forenoon  onto  the  battle- 
field from  the  rear,  and  descended  the  slope  to  the  river  bottoms. 
Their  immediate  object  was  to  find  water  for  their  horses  and  mules, 
which  had  been  without  any  for  twenty-four  hours.  They  purposed, 
also,  to  ford  the  stream  here  and  continue  their  march  up  the  valley 
on  its  west  side.  Opposition  to  their  movement  was  expected  from 
troops  at  the  fort,  and  so  from  their  camp  they  made  a demonstra- 
tion to  attack  it  before  noon,  to  prevent,  if  possible,  any  consider- 
able body  of  its  garrison  leaving  for  the  ford.  In  this  attempt  they 
were  disappointed.  But  they  succeeded  in  alarming  a regiment  of 
militia,  raised  in  New  Mexico,  which  fled  from  the  place,  and  could 
not  then  or  afterward  be  brought  into  the  engagement. 

Of  the  numerical  strength  of  the  two  armies  Colonel  Canby,  in 
his  report  to  the  adjutant-general  of  the  army  at  Washington,  said  : 

“His  [Sibley’s]  force  consisted  of  Riley’s  and  Green’s  regiments, 
five  companies  of  Steele’s  and  five  of  Baylor’s  regiments,  Teel's  and 
Riley's  batteries,  and  three  independent  companies,  making  a nomi- 
nal aggregate,  as  indicated  by  captured  rolls  and  returns,  of  nearly 
3,000  men,  but  reduced,  it  was  understood,  by  sickness  and  detach- 
ments to  about  2,600  when  it  reached  this  neighborhood. 

“To  oppose  this  force  I had  concentrated  at  this  post  [Fort  Craig] 
five  companies  of  the  Fifth,  three  of  the  Seventh  and  three  of  the 
Tenth  Infantry,  two  companies  of  the  First  and  five  of  the  Third 
Cavalry,  McRae’s  battery  ( G of  the  Second  and  I of  the  Third 
Cavalry),  and  a company  of  Colorado  volunteers  [Dodd’s].  The 
New  Mexican  troops  consisted  of  the  First  Regiment  (Carson’s), 
seven  companies  of  the  Second,  seven  of  the  Third,  one  of  the 
Fourth,  two  of  the  Fifth,  Graydon’s  Spy  Company,  and  about  1,000 


SIBLEY  S MOVEMENT  UP  THE  RIO  GRANDE  VALLEY. 


6l 


hastily-collected  and  unorganized  militia,  making  on  the  morning 
of  the  21st  an  aggregate  present  of  3,810." 


General  Sibley  was  in  immediate  command  of  his  army  until 
early  in  the  afternoon,  when,  on  account  of  illness,  he  transferred 
it  to  Colonel  Thomas  Green, 
one  of  his  most  efficient  offi- 
cers. The  Federal  forces 
were,  until  the  middle  of  the 
afternoon,  under  the  full 
charge  of  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Benjamin  S.  Roberts,  of  the 
Third  regiment  United  States 
Cavalry,  and  at  the  time 
colonel  of  the  Fifth  New 
Mexico  Infantry.  Fie  was  a 
gallant,  trusted  and  able 
leader,  who  had  refused,  at 
the  opening  of  the  war,  to 
join  his  associates  in  the 
United  States  a r m y who 
were  then  stationed  in  New 
Mexico,  and  with  them  to 
enter  the  service  of  the  Con- 
federate government.  Very 
largely  through  his  influence 
most  of  the  junior  officers 
and  nearly  all  of  the  private 
soldiers  remained  true  to  their 
government.  Colonel  Canbv 
arrived  on  the  ground  from 
the  foit  late  in  the  day,  and 
assumed  the  entire  direction 
of  his  men.  It  was  the  opin- 
ion of  many  of  these  that  the 

final  result  of  the  battle  would  have  been  different  if  Colonel  Rob- 
erts had  retained  the  charge  to  the  end.  The  contest  began  about 


Map  of  the  Fort  Craig  Locality,  Showing  the 
Relative  Situation  of  the  Battlefield  of  Val- 
verde  to  the  Fort. 

(From  “Battles  and  Leaders  of  the  Civil  War.” 
The  Century  Company.  18S7.) 


62 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


nine  o’clock  in  the  morning  and  lasted  until  near  sunset,  while  the 
severest  fighting  was  done  just  before  noon  and  near  the  close 
of  the  afternoon.  On  both  sides  artillery  in  the  least  number,  in- 
fantry in  the  largest  and  cavalry  in  an  intermediate  were  engaged. 
During  the  day  the  action  was  conducted  principally  by  the  first- 
named  branch,  using  field  pieces  and  mountain  howitzers,  under 
the  orders  of  Major  Trevanion  T.  Teel  and  Lieutenant  John  Riley 
of  the  Confederates,  and  under  those  of  Captain  Alexander  McRae 
and  Lieutenant  Robert  H.  Hall  of  the  Federals.  McRae's  battery 
was  a provisional  one,  manned,  not  by  regular  artillerymen,  but 
by  men  of  Company  G of  the  Second  and  of  Company  I of  the 
i bird  Regular  Cavalry,  Captain  McRae  being  an  officer  of  the 
last-named  regiment. 

Operations  started  with  fierce  cannonading  from  both  banks  of 
the  river,  near  the  high  mesa,  where  was  the  lower  and  principal 
crossing.  The  Union  gunners,  annoyed  by  the  Texan  sharpshooters 
hidden  behind  rocks  and  trees  on  the  slopes  of  this  mesa,  were  com- 
pelled to  move  their  battery  from  a position  directly  across  the 
stream  from  it  to  a point  at  the  north,  where  they  could  still,  at 
the  very  water’s  edge,  defend  this  crossing,  and  fire  their  shots  into 
the  thick  bosque  of  cottonwoods  on  the  opposite  bank.  Aided  by 
infantry  and  dismounted  cavalry  of  the  regulars,  who  had  forded 
the  Rio  Grande,  they  succeeded  by  noon  in  driving  the  Confederates 
from  the  eastern  river  bottom  among  the  cottonwoods  back  into  an 
old  dry  channel  of  the  stream  and  behind  a long  ridge  of  sand. 
This  contest  was,  at  times,  very  desperate.  Three  efforts  were  made 
by  the  enemy  to  regain  the  positions  they  had  lost  in  the  southern 
section  of  the  battlefield,  and  once  the  Federal  forces  attempted  to 
capture  one  of  their  batteries,  which  had  been  partially  disabled. 
All  these  movements  failed.  Meanwhile  the  First  regiment  of  New 
Mexico  Volunteers,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Kit  Carson, 
was  moved  about  a mile  north  on  the  western  side  of  the  river  into 
a cottonwood  grove,  to  prevent  an  attack  of  500  Texan  cavalry  from 
that  direction. 

Nearly  all  of  the  Union  troops  were  ordered  early  in  the  after- 
noon across  the  stream.  Lieutenant  Hall’s  two  24-pounder  howitz- 


sieley's  movement  up  the  rio  grande  valley.  63 


ers,  with  their  supports,  were  placed  in  the  southern  portion  of  the 
field,  which  had  been  occupied  in  the  morning  by  the  Confederates. 
Captain  McRae’s  six  splendid  field  pieces,  with  an  inadequate  sup- 
port, were  stationed  three-fourths  of  a mile  northward,  near  the 
upper  crossing.  The  Texans,  on  retreating  to  the  old  channel  above 


Lieutenant-Colonel  William  R.  Scurry,  the  Battle-Leader 
of  the  Confederate  Forces  in  New  Mexico  in  1862. 

(From  a war-time  photograph  in  the  State  Historical  and 
Natural  History  Society’s  collection.) 

mentioned,  had  extended  their  right  up  the  same  to  points  opposite 
and  beyond  the  latter  battery  and  behind  some  sand  hills.  The  re  - 
mainder of  the  afternoon  was  occupied  by  both  armies  in  desultory 
firing  at  each  other,  mainly  by  their  artillery,  and  in  disposing  of 
their  forces  for  the  final  and  decisive  struggle  that  occurred  an  hour 
before  sundown.  An  episode  was  brought  about  in  the  northern  ex- 
tremity of  the  field  by  a company  of  the  Texan  cavalry,  armed  with 


64 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


lances,  dashing  against  Captain  Dodd's  company  of  Colorado  vol- 
unteers, formed  into  a hollow  square.  The  Texans  were  quickly 
repulsed,  many  of  them  being  tumbled  out  of  their  saddles  in  a few 
minutes.  These  Colorado  volunteers,  under  fire  for  the  first  time, 
fought  like  seasoned  veterans.  According  to  Colonel  Canby's  final 
report,  the  killed  and  the  wounded  of  the  company  numbered  thirty, 
a greater  number  of  casualties  than  that  of  any  other  organization 
of  an  equal  number  of  men  engaged  in  the  battle.  It  would  seem 
that  the  colonel  was  trying  the  mettle  of  the  first  Colorado  soldiers 
he  had  seen. 

Colonel  Canby,  on  assuming  full  charge  of  the  Federal  forces, 
decided  at  once  to  strengthen  the  right  wing  of  his  little  army,  and, 
if  possible,  to  flank  the  enemy's  left,  dissolving  it  or  doubling  it 
back  upon  its  right,  fronting  McRae's  battery.  Colonel  Carson’s 
regiment  was  added  to  the  detachment  of  regulars  supporting  Hall's 
mountain  howitzers,  in  position  almost  in  the  shadow  of  the  high 
mesa  to  the  south.  Chiefly  other  volunteers  were  assigned  to  the 
defense  of  the  field  pieces  in  the  northern  wing.  Five  companies 
of  the  Second  regiment  of  New  Mexico  Volunteers,  under  Colonel 
Miguel  E.  Pino  (himself  a brave  and  gallant  officer),  refused  to 
obey  the  order  to  cross  the  river  from  the  west  side  and  aid  in  this 
defense. 

The  Confederates,  discovering  the  arrangements  made  for  the 
Federal  right  wing,  placed  Major  Henry  W.  Raguet  in  command 
of  their  extreme  left,  and  supplied  him  with  a sufficient  force  to 
check  temporarily  the  advance  of  Canby’s  right.  While  doing  this 
they  concentrated  the  larger  portion  of  their  army  in  the  opposite 
direction,  concealed  behind  the  sand  hills,  for  the  purpose  of  assault- 
ing the  weakened  end  of  the  Union  line.  In  a furious  attempt  of  the 
Texans  to  capture  Lieutenant  Hall’s  guns,  Colonel  Carson’s  regi- 
ment did  effectual  service  in  resisting  and  driving  back  Major 
Raguet’s  detachments.  He  was  said  to  have  shot,  with  his  own 
hand,  several  of  his  men  who,  from  cowardice,  attempted  to  desert 
the  ranks  by  taking  to  their  heels.  When  the  contest  here  was  at 
its  height,  the  Texans  under  cover  at  the  other  extremity  of  the 
field  leaped,  at  a given  signal,  upon  the  sand  ridges  in  their  front. 


sibley's  movement  up  the  rio  grande  valley.  6^ 

armed  with  rifles,  double-barreled  shot  guns,  pistols  and  machetes, 
and  rushed  in  headlong  confusion  about  700  yards  down  the  slope, 
through  a storm  of  grape  shot  and  canister  from  McRae's  little 
band  of  heroes,  and  around  his  battery,  which  they  seized  within 
eight  minutes,  after  killing  or  severely  wounding  about  fifteen  of 
tbe  ninety-three  regulars 
working  these  guns.  They 
were  directed  and  cheered 
from  the  rear  in  this  on- 
slaught by  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  William  R.  Scurry, 
w hose  clarion  voice  was 
heard  above  the  yells,  shouts 
and  hurrahs  of  the  charging 
party  and  of  the  roar  of  the 
artillery.  These  men  were 
led  by  Major  S.  A.  Lock- 
ridge,  whose  death  at  the 
very  muzzle  of  one  of  the 
cannon  was  greatly  lament- 
ed by  his  comrades.  Cap- 
tain McRae,  the  battery's 
commander,  also  was  slain. 

It  was  told  that  a Texan 
officer  in  the  attack  shouted 

to  him:  “Surrender,  McRae!  we  don't  want  to  kill  you!'’  and  that 
from  him,  with  his  right  arm  shattered  by  a bullet,  and  leaning 
upon  one  of  bis  pieces,  came  the  instantaneous  response:  “I  shall 
never  forsake  my  guns!"  At  that  moment  both  he  and  Major 
Lockridge  were  instantly  killed,  and  their  bodies  fell  limp  across  the 
gun  and  their  blood  flowed  upon  its  surface.  The  brave,  loyal  and 
accomplished  McRae  had  won  the  truest  esteem  and  admiration  of 
his  fellow-soldiers.  His  commander  said  of  him : “He  died,  as 
he  had  lived,  an  example  of  the  best  arid  higiiest  qualities  that  man 
can  possess.”  He  belonged  to  a distinguished  family  in  the  South, 
having  been  born  in  North  Carolina,  and  had  heroically  resisted  the 


5 


66 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


importunities  of  his  relatives  to  abandon  the  cause  of  the  Union, 
and  those  of  Southern  leaders  to  join  his  fortunes  with  the  Con- 
federacy. 

Had  the  battery  been  efficiently  supported  by  the  troops  at  hand 
it  would  not  have  been  taken.  Henry  Connelly,  governor  of  New 
Mexico,  in  reporting'  this  affair  to  the  secretary  of  state,  at  Wash- 
ington, from  Santa  Fe,  under  date  of  March  ist,  said: 

"It  is  painful  to  relate  that  of  the  forces  in  position  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  battery  not  one  company  advanced  to  its  relief  or 
even  fired  upon  the  enemy  as  he  approached.  The  force  consisted 
of  two  or  more  companies  of  regular  troops  and  one  regiment  of 
New  Mexico  volunteers.  The  regulars  were  ordered- — nay,  im- 
plored— to  charge  the  enemy,  by  Colonel  Canby,  Ma  jor  Donaldson 
and  Colonel  Collins,  superintendent  of  Indian  affairs,  who  were  all 
three  present,  in  immediate  contact  with  the  troops  and  within  io 
or  20  yards  of  the  battery  when  it  was  taken.  The  regulars  having 
refused  to  advance,  the  volunteers  followed  their  example,  and  both 
retired  from  the  held,  recrossing  the  river  and  leaving  the  battery 
in  possession  of  the  enemy." 

Captain  Gurden  Chapin,  of  the  Seventh  United  States  Infantry, 
and  a member  of  Colonel  Canby's  staff,  stated  in  one  of  his  reports 
that  his  commander  “beseeched  and  begged,  ordered  and  impera- 
tively commanded,  the  troops  to  save  his  guns,  and  a deaf  ear  met 
alike  his  supplications  and  commands.”  Refusal  on  the  part  of 
these,  and  of  the  others  of  his  troops  which  have  been  mentioned, 
to  obey  orders,  was  reported  by  Colonel  Canby  to  Washington  as 
the  “immediate  cause  of  the  disaster”  that  befell  his  army  at  Val- 
verde.  Major  James  L.  Donaldson,  in  a report  to  the  adjutant- 
general  of  the  army,  at  Washington,  said  of  the  New  Mexico  volun- 
teers : “They  have  a traditionary  fear  of  the  Texans,  and  will  not 
face  them  in  the  field." 

The  assaulting  Confederates  soon  were  in  full  possession  of 
McRae’s  battery.  Colonel  Canby,  whose  horse  was  shot  under  him, 
perceived,  after  the  loss  of  these  guns,  that  further  contest  was 
futile,  and  at  once  ordered  all  of  his  troops  who  were  still  on  the 
east  side  of  the  Rio  Grande  to  recross  the  stream  and  return  to  the 
fort.  The  lost  battery  and  that  of  Major  Teel  were  then  quickly 


SII5LEY  S MOVEMENT  UP  THE  RIO  GRANDE  VALLEY. 


67 

brought  into  action  by  the  Confederates  to  hasten  the  retreat  of 
the  Union  forces,  which  Colonel  Canhv  finally  accomplished  with 
only  a slight  loss  of  men  and  munitions  of  war. 

In  proportion  to  the  number  of  the  troops  actually  engaged  in 
the  fight,  the  losses  in  killed  and  wounded  on  the  Union  side  were 
unusually  heavy.  Colonel  Roberts  said  in  his  report  that  “they  were 
unexampled,  it  is  believed,  in  any  single  battle  ever  fought  on  this 
continent."  The  casualties  were  confined  almost  entirely  to  the  reg- 
ulars and  to  Dodd's  company  of  Colorado  volunteers,  about  one- 
third  of  the  men  of  the  latter  having  been  struck.  Reports  of  the 
Union  losses  are  somewhat  at  variance.  Captain  Chapin  stated  on 
February  28th  that  “our  loss,  so  far  as  ascertained  up  to  the  pres- 
ent moment,  is  sixtv-two  killed  and  about  140  wounded."  Accord- 
ing to  Colonel's  Canby’s  report  he  had  three  officers  and  sixty-five 
enlisted  men  killed  on  the  field;  three  officers  and  157  enlisted  men 
wounded,  of  whom  ‘‘a  number  died"  soon  afterward,  and  one  officer 
and  thirty-four  enlisted  men  missing,  a total  of  263.  Dr.  Basil 
Norris,  assistant  surgeon.  United  States  army,  in  charge  of  the 
hospitals  at  Fort  Craig,  reporting  from  that  post  on  March  3th  to 
his  superior.  Dr.  E.  T.  Bailv.  surgeon.  United  States  armv,  and 
medical  director  of  the  Department  of  New  Mexico,  at  Santa  Fe. 
stated  that  "fifty-six  men  were  killed  on  the  field,  including  nine 
volunteers;  147  men  were  brought  to  the  hospitals  wounded,  seven- 
teen of  whom  have  since  died."  Nothing  very  definite  can  be  ascer- 
tained as  to  General  Sibley's  losses.  He  reported  forty  of  his 
men  killed,  including  two  officers,  and  thought  100  would  cover  the 
number  of  his  wounded.  But  it  appears  to  have  been  his  policy  to 
minimize  every  misfortune  that  befell  him.  Colonel  Thomas  Green 
reported  forty-one  dead  and  150  wounded.  Governor  Connelly,  in 
a communication  to  Washington,  said:  “The  loss  of  the  enemy,  it 
is  ascertained  lw  deserters  from  their  camp,  was  very  large — at 
least  300  killed,  and  the  wounded  in  proportion."  However,  desert- 
ers usually  are  not  g'ood  authorities.  Captain  Chapin  reported  the 
Confederate  loss  at  “150  killed  and  450  wounded."  Probably  the 
facts  lie  somewhere  about  midway  between  the  figures  of  General 
Sibley  and  those  of  Captain  Chapin.  The  Confederate  dead  were 


68 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


buried  together  on  the  battlefield,  and  those  of  the  Union  forces  at 
Fort  Craig,  with  military  honors. 

On  the  morrow  General  Sibley,  in  the  flush  of  his  victory,  sent, 
under  a flag  of  truce,  three  of  his  officers  to  Colonel  Canby,  who 
were  instructed  to  demand  the  immediate  surrender  of  the  fort, 
which  demand  was  promptly  rejected.  The  first  of  these  officers 
was  the  Lieutenant-Colonel  Scurry,  already  mentioned ; the  second. 

Lieutenant  Tom  P.  Ochiltree, 
afterward  governor  of  Texas 
and  a member  of  the  United 
States  congress,  the  third  be- 
ing Captain  D.  W.  Shannon, 
who  was  taken  prisoner  in  a 
subsecpient  battle  in  the  terri- 
tory. It  was  reported,  but 
not  confirmed,  that  this  com- 
mission regarded  the  fort  as 
too  strongly  defended  to  be 
taken  by  assault  or  siege  at 
the  time.  Also,  that  they 
were  deceived  as  to  the  num- 
ber and  calibre  of  the  real 
cannon  mounted  on  its  bas- 
tions, for  while  some  of  these 
were  metal,  the  others  were 
said  to  be  large-size  wooden  ones — mere  Quaker  guns. 

Colonel  Canby,  though  depressed  in  spirit  by  his  defeat,  resolved 
still  to  make  all  efforts  possible  with  his  command  to  thwart  the 
purpose  of  the  Texans  to  acquire  possession  of  the  Southwest  and 
thus  to  separate  the  Pacific  Coast  from  the  Union.  Subsequent 
events  will  show  to  what  extent  he  succeeded  in  this  determination 
through  his  own  efforts.  At  Santa  Fe,  at  that  time,  the  belief  that 
he  could  be  successful  with  his  small  number  of  trustworthy  troops 
was  by  no  means  sanguine.  The  territory's  capital  turned  toward 
Colorado  for  help.  Captain  Gurden  Chapin,  acting  inspector-gen- 


Colonel  Christopher  (“Kit”)  Carson. 

(From  a wood  engraving  supplied  bv  the  author.) 


SIBLEY  S MOVEMENT  UP  THE  RIO  GRANDE  VALLEY. 


69  C 


eral  at  the  time,  in  a report  to  Major-General  H.  W.  Halleck,  at 
St.  Louis,  from  Santa  Fe,  on  February  28th,  said: 

“*  * * It  is  needless  to  say  that  this  country  is  in  a critical 

condition.  The  militia  have  all  run  away  and  the  New  Mexican 
volunteers  are  deserting  in  large  numbers.  No  dependence  what- 
ever can  he  placed  on  the  natives ; they  are  worse  than  worthless ; 
they  are  reallv  aids  to  the  enemy,  who  catch  them,  take  their  arms 
and  tell  them  to  go  home. 

“A  force  of  Colorado  volunteers  is  already  on  the  way  to  assist 
us,  and  they  may  possibly  arrive  in  time  to  save  us  from  immediate 
danger;  * * 

Brevet-Captain  George  H.  Pettis,  who  was  adjutant  of  the  First 
New  Mexico  Volunteer  Infantry,  in  his  Confederate  Invasion  cf 
Nezv  Mexico  and  Arizona  (a  short  chapter  in  Battles  and  Leaders 
of  the  Civil  JVar:  The  Century  Company,  1888),  records  the  fol- 
lowing amusing  incident  that  occurred  the  night  before  the  battle 
of  Valverde,  and  which  shows  how  tragedy  and  comedy  may  go 
hand  in  hand  in  a time  of  war : 

“Captain  James  Graydon  ( familiarly  known  as  ‘Paddy'  Graydon) 
had  been  a soldier  in  the  regular  army,  and  on  the  approach  of  the 
Confederates  had  been  authorized  to  organize  an  independent  spy 
company,  and  as  such  it  was  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United 
States.  As  its  name  implies,  it  was  truly  an  ‘independent’  company. 
It  was  seldom  under  the  restraint  of  a superior  officer,  as  it  was 
nearly  all  the  time  on  the  road,  its  captain  not  liking  the  monotony 
of  garrison  life.  Captain  Graydon  was  a brave  man,  and  no  under- 
taking was  too  hazardous  for  him  to  attempt.  Flis  company  were 
nearly  all  natives  of  New  Mexico,  and  they  would  go  anywhere 
their  captain  would  lead  them.  On  the  evening  of  February  20th, 
when  the  enemy  were  encamped  opposite  Fort  Craig.  Graydon  was 
allowed  to  make  a night  attack  upon  them.  Without  explaining  the 
details  of  his  plan  he  had  prepared  a couple  of  wooden  boxes,  in 
each  of  which  half  a dozen  24-pounder  howitzer  shells  were  placed, 
with  the  fuses  cut.  These  boxes  were  securely  lashed  on  the  backs 
of  two  old  mules,  and  the  captain,  with  three  or  four  of  his  men, 
crossed  the  river  just  below  the  fort  and  proceeded  in  the  darkness 
toward  the  Confederate  camp.  Graydon's  project  was  to  get  the 
torpedo  mules  within  sight  of  the  enemy’s  picket  line  without  being 
discovered,  when  he  was  to  light  the  fuses,  and  the  mules,  being 


70 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


directed  toward  the  picket  line,  would  move  in  the  direction  of  the 
animals  there.  He  finally  arrived  within  150  yards  of  the  picket 
line,  and,  everything  being  in  readiness,  the  fuses  of  the  boxes  were 
fired,  and  the  captain  and  his  party  commenced  their  retreat,  when 
to  their  consternation  thev  found  that  the  mules,  instead  of  going 
toward  the  enemy,  were  following  themselves;  the  shells  soon  began 
to  explode,  the  Confederate  camp  was  quickly  under  arms,  and 
Graydon’s  partv  made  its  way  back  to  Fort  Craig  without  the 
mules.” 


Central  and  Northern  Parts  of  the  Battlefield  of  Valverde.  From  the  West  Side  of  the 

Rio  Grande. 

(From  one  of  the  author's  photographs.) 

The  picture  on  the  opposite  page  is  a continuation,  to  the  right,  of  this  view. 


The  Confederate  troops  remained  in  camp,  a mile  and  a quarter 
to  the  east  of  the  Valverde  battleground,  the  succeeding  two  days, 
burying  their  dead  and  arranging  to  carry  their  wounded  to  So- 
corro, a distance  of  twenty-five  miles.  At  Socorro  they  decided  to 
push  rapidly  forward  along  the  river  to  the  larger  towns,  where 
provisions,  in  the  shape  of  ‘‘breadstuff  and  meat,"  could  be  obtained, 
and  where  they  could  deprive  Colonel  Canby  of  "all  communication 
with  bis  supplies.”  All  of  their  own  rations  on  band  would  last 
them  scarcely  five  days,  and  subsistence  of  any  kind  could  not  be 
procured  in  the  region  below,  where  they  had  operated  for  some 


sibley's  movement  up  the  rio  grande  valley.  71 

months,  as  it  had  been  wholly  consumed  by  them.  By  March  2d 
their  advance  guard  was  in  the  vicinity  of  Albuquerque,  when  the 
small  force  of  Federal  troops  stationed  there  hurriedly  left  for 
Santa  Fe.  first  destroving  nearly  all  of  the  army  stores  that  it  could 
not  convev  awav  with  teams.  On  the  third  day  afterward,  it.  with 
another  force  at  the  capital  of  the  territory,  abandoned  that  city 
for  Fort  Union,  transporting  in  120  wagons  the  most  valuable  gov- 
ernment supplies'  in  their  charge,  worth  a quarter  of  a million  dol- 


Southern  End  of  the  Battlefield  of  Valverde.  Prom  the  West  Side  of  the  Rio  Grande. 

(From  one  of  the  author’s  photographs.) 

This  is  a continuation,  to  the  right,  of  the  view  on  the  opposite  page. 


lars.  They  arrived  safely  at  their  destination  on  the  10th  of  that 
month,  where  they  found  adequate  protection.  The  posts  evacuated 
by  them  were  very  soon  occupied  by  a strong  advance  guard  of  the 
invaders,  whose  main  bod}-  did  not  reach  Albuquerque  until  the  17th 
of  March. 

On  the  way  from  Valverde  none  of  the  Confederate  detachments 
met  with  any  further  resistance,  and  yet  the}'  were  sorely  disap- 
pointed by  the  cool,  if  not  hostile,  reception  given  them  by  a large 
number  of  the  people.  As  a retaliation  they  exacted  money  from 
wealthv  New  Mexicans  who  had  not  escaped  from  the  valley  at 


72 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


their  approach,  and  confiscated  property  belonging  to  families  known 
to  favor  the  Federal  cause.  Two  of  the  Armijo  brothers,  positive 
sympathizers,  placed  their  stores  of  merchandise,  valued  at  $200,000, 
at  the  disposal  of  General  Sibley’s  troops.  Especially  at  Albu- 
querque, Santa  Fe  and  Cubero,  seventy  miles  to  the  west  of  the 
Rio  Grande  and  eight  beyond  the  Laguna  Pueblo,  all  available  com- 
missary, forage  and  clothing  supplies  were  seized  by  the  Confed- 
erates ; so  a sufficient  quantity  of  these  necessaries  for  the  army  was 


The  Armijo  Residence  in  Old  Albuquerque. 
(From  one  of  the  author’s  photographs.) 


on  hand  to  last  it  about  three  months.  The  decision  was  then 
formed  to  advance,  as  soon  they  could  be  ready,  with  their  entire 
force,  to  Fort  Union,  ahead  only  four  days'  march,  and,  if  possible, 
to  capture  it,  with  its  great  stores  of  military  supplies,  as  the  last 
remaining  menace  of  importance  to  their  full  possession  of  the  ter- 
ritory. Their  confidence  in  their  ability  to  demolish  it  with  their 
artillery,  by  planting  their  larger  guns  on  the  hills  to  the  west  of  it, 
suggests  that  perhaps  General  Sibley  had  not  been  informed  of  the 
recent  construction  there  of  an  earthwork  fortification  that  virtually 
had  superseded  the  old  post,  with  which  the  Confederate  commander 
was  familiar.  Ffe  appears  to  have  been  entirely  in  the  dark  as  to 


SIBLEY  S MOVEMENT  UP  THE  RIO  GRANDE  VALLEY. 


73 


the  advance  from  Colorado  of  a body  of  men  destined  to  work  his 
complete  undoing. 

Major  Charles  L.  Pyron,  with  500  mounted  men,  was  sent  for- 
ward from  Albuquerque  to  Santa  Fe,  with  the  purpose  of  leading 
the  march.  He  had  been  a trusted  officer  under  Colonel  Baylor  dur- 
ing the  campaign  of  the 
preceding  summer  and 
fall  in  the  Mesilla  valley 
and  its  adjacent  region, 
and  had  participated  there 
in  the  masterful  skir- 
mishes with  the  Federal 
troops.  He  had  credit- 
ably filled  leading  posi- 
tions in  the  recent  battle 
at  Valverde,  being  “in  the 
thickest  of  the  fray”  in 
the  decisive  charge  at  its 
close. 

fhe  larger  division  of 
“Sibley's  Brigade”  was 
placed  in  charge  of  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Scurry, 

‘‘One  of  Sibley's  Texas  Rangers. ’’  and  I\  aS  Ordei  Pel  tO  pi  O- 

(From  Lessing's  “Pictorial^  History  of  the  Civil  War.”  ceedj  with  the  principal 

train  of  supplies,  from 
Albuquerque  by  way  of  Bernalillo  to  Galisteo,  which  is  less  than 
fifteen  miles  from  the  western  end  of  La  Glorieta  pass.  Here  he 
could  be  joined  at  the  appropriate  time  by  Pvron's  battalion  from 
Santa  Fe.  Colonel  Scurry  belonged  to  a distinguished  family  in 
Texas,  which  had  emigrated  from  Tennessee  and  settled  early  in 
that  state.  He  served  as  a district  attorney  in  the  period  when  it 
was  a republic,  and  as  a major  in  a Texas  regiment  under  General 
Zachary  Taylor  in  the  Mexican  War,  gaining  celebrity  in  the  battle 
of  Monterey.  His  name  was  signed  February  8,  1861,  to  the  dec- 
laration of  the  causes  that  impelled  his  state  to  secede  from  the 


74 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


Federal  Union,  a sequel  of  an  ordinance  passed  a week  before  at 
the  capital  by  a convention  to  which  he  was  a delegate.  He  was 
commissioned  August  23d  of  the  same  year,  by  the  Confederacy, 
as  lieutenant-colonel  of  the  Fourth  regiment  of  Texas  Mounted 
Infantry,  and  assigned  to  the  command  of  General  Sibley.  At 
Valverde  he  was  recognized  as  the  conspicuous  Confederate  hero 
in  the  battle.  Upon  his  return  home  after  the  Rio  Grande  cam- 
paign he  was  promoted  brigadier-general. 

The  accompanying  grotesque  picture  of  ‘‘One  of  Sibley's  Texas 
Rangers,"  from  Los  sing’s  Pictorial  History  of  the  Civil  War  (vol- 
ume II,  page  187),  published  in  1868,  is  said  to  have  been  made 
“from  a sketch  by  one  of  Colonel  Canby’s  subalterns."  In  a foot- 
note the  following  description  is  given  of  this  ferocious-looking 
being,  who  is  so  largely  a product  of  imagination  : 

“These  Rangers  who  went  into  the  rebellion  were  described  as 
being,  many  of  them,  a desperate  set  of  fellows,  having  no  higher 
motive  than  plunder  and  adventure.  They  were  half  savage,  and 
each  was  mounted  on  a mustang  horse.  Each  man  carried  a ride, 
a tomahawk,  a bowie  knife,  a pair  of  Colt's  revolvers,  and  a lasso 
for  catching  and  throwing  the  horses  of  a flying  foe." 


ADVANCE  OF  THE  FIRST  COLORADO  REGIMENT  INTO 

NEW  MENICO. 


While  the  last  preparations  of  the  Confederates  for  a movement 
and  an  attack  on  Fort  Union  were  being  matured,  the  First  regi- 
ment of  Colorado  Volunteers  was  on  the  march  to  counteract  and 
defeat  them.  The  men  had  remained  in  quarters,  anxious  and  im- 
patient, since  the  organization  of  the  regiment.  News  of  the  en- 
trance of  General  Sihley's  army  into  the  Rio  Grande  valley  reached 
Denver  in  the  fore  part  of  [anuary,  and  efforts  were  made  at  once 
to  obtain  orders  from  Major-General  David  Hunter  at  Fort  Leaven- 
worth, Kansas,  in  command  of  the  Department  of  Kansas,  which 
included  also  the  territory  of  Colorado,  for  the  Colorado  regiment 
immediately  to  go  to  the  assistance  of  Colonel  Canby.  But  more 
than  a month  elapsed  before  the  command  was  given.  On  February 
14th  Secretary  and  Acting  Governor  Lewis  L.  Weld  (Governor 
Gilpin  being  absent  from  the  territory  at  the  time)  received  from 
General  Hunter  the  following: 

“Headquarters.  Department  of  Kansas, 

“Fort  Leavenworth.  Kan..  February  10,  1862. 

“To  His  Excellencv.  Acting  Governor  of  Colorado,  Denver  Citv. 

Colo. : 

“Send  all  available  forces  you  can  possibly  spare  to  reinforce 
Colonel  Canby,  commanding  Department  of  New  Mexico,  and  to 
keep  open  his  communication  through  Fort  Wise.  Act  promptlv 
and  with  all  the  discretion  of  your  latest  information  as  to  what  may 
be  necessary  and  where  the  troops  of  Colorado  can  do  most  service. 

“D.  HUNTER, 

“Major-General,  Commanding." 

On  the  22cl  of  that  month,  the  next  day  after  the  disastrous  en- 
gagement at  Valverde,  the  companies  of  the  regiment  at  Camp 
Weld,  and  on  the  3d  of  March,  following,  the  other  companies, 
under  the  charge  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Tappan  at  Fort  Wise,  left 
their  respective  quarters  for  the  scenes  of  active  operations.  Acting 

( 75 ) 


76 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


Governor  Weld,  in  a communication  sent  to  Colonel  Canby  to  in- 
form him  that  Colorado’s  First  regiment  was  coming  to  his  assist- 
ance, said : 

“You  will  find  this  regiment,  I hope,  a most  efficient  one  and  of 
great  support  to  you.  It  has  had.  of  course,  no  experience  in  the 


Lieutenant-Colonel  Samuel  F.  Tappan,  of  the  First  Colo- 
rado Regiment. 

(From  a war  time  photograph  in  the  State  Historical  and 
Natural  History  Society’s  collection.) 

field,  but  I trust  that  their  enthusiasm  and  patriotic  bravery  will 
make  amends,  and  more  than  that,  for  their  lack  of  active  service 
in  the  past.'' 

In  Civil  War  times  soldiers  were  not  moved  from  one  station  to 
another  in  sleeping  cars,  as  nowadays,  and  there  were  no  railroads 
-west  of  the  Missouri  river.  Until  these  Colorado  troops  reached  the 


ADVANCE  OF  THE  COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS. 


7/ 

Santa  Fe  trail  they  marched  through  a section  of  country  in  which 
there  was  scarcely  anything  worthy  the  name  of  a broken  wagon 
road.  When  the  companies  from  Camp  Weld  had  arrived  at  Pueblo, 
and  those  from  Fort  Wise  at  old  Fort  Bent,  both  on  the  Arkansas 
river,  they  learned  for  the  first  time,  through  advices  from  Colonel 
Canby.  that  his  Fort  Craig  forces  had  been  vanquished  at  Valverde 
and  nearly  all  of  his  field  guns  captured,  and  that  the  Confederates 
were  moving  in  triumph  northward  along"  the  Rio  Grande.  They 
were  urged  to  hasten  to  his  relief.  Discarding  everything  except 
actual  necessities,  the  two  divisions  immediately  struck  out  south- 
ward, advancing  as  rapidly  as  they  were  able  through  the  several 
inches  of  snow  that  covered  the  country,  and  making  about  forty 
miles  a day.  The  columns  were  united  on  the  headwaters  of  the 
Purgatoire  river,  at  Gray’s  ranch,  near  the  present  city  of  Trinidad. 
On  the  way  the  men  were  deeply  impressed  by  the  grandeur  of  the 
winter  scenery  around  the  majestic  Spanish  peaks  to  their  right. 
They  followed  the  Santa  Fe  trail  through  the  wild,  picturesque 
gorge  between  Simpson’s  rest  and  Fisher's  peak,  and  on  over  the 
Raton  mountains.  As  they  reached  the  summit  of  the  last  height 
several  eagles  came  sailing  in  a circle  above  them.  A private  in 
Company  D called  out:  “Let's  shoot  them.”  But  Captain  Down- 
ing prevented  this  by  shouting : “These  are  the  birds  of  Liberty ; 
and  they  betoken  victory  to  us!”  Then  the  whole  company  gave 
three  cheers  for  the  eagles. 

As  the  regiment  was  preparing  to  bivouac  at  the  close  of  the  day, 
March  8th,  on  the  southern  slope  of  the  Raton  mountains,  and  ex- 
pecting to  have  a greatly  needed  rest  for  the  night  after  the  toil- 
some climbing  of  the  opposite  slope,  there  dashed  into  the  camp 
a courier  from  Colonel  Gabriel  R.  Paul,  of  the  Fourth  regiment 
New  Mexico  Volunteers,  and  commander  at  Fort  Union,  with  the 
startling  information  that  General  Sibley  was  already  in  possession 
of  Albuquerque  and  Santa  Fe,  was  fast  enlisting  volunteers  there, 
and  completing  his  arrangements  to  march  upon  and  attack  the  fort, 
in  which  were  only  some  400  regulars,  and  about  the  same  number 
of  volunteers,  to  defend  it.  On  a stirring  appeal  to  the  regiment 
to  render  speedy  aid  to  its  garrison,  all  of  the  men  expressed  their 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


willingness  to  set  out  again  without  delay,  carrying  “only  their 
arms  and  blankets.”  Through  the  darkness  up  to  dav-light,  and 
over  a route  to  which  they  were  not  accustomed,  they  marched 
thirty  miles  to  Maxwell's  ranch  on  the  Cimarron  river,  making-  in 

J o 

all  sixty-seven  they  had  traveled  continuously  since  the  morning- 
before.  and  ninety-two  in  the  previous  thirty-six  hours.  Here  they 
were  compelled  to  halt  from  “sheer  exhaustion.”  Some  of  their 


animals,  “on  account  of  overwork  and  underfeed,”  had  dropped 
dead  in  the  harness  on  the  road.  One  or  two  companies  had  been 
mounted  for  the  movement  to  Fort  Union,  for  scouting  purposes, 
but  the  others  covered  these  extraordinary  distances  on  foot — a 
proof  of  the  men’s  great  physical  endurance.  After  a brief  rest, 
the  Colorado  volunteers  proceeded  toward  the  threatened  post,  en- 
countering on  the  first  day  a bitterly  cold  and  furious  windstorm, 
a mountain  hurricane,  which  showered  and  blinded  them  with 
driven  snow,  dust  and  sand.  But  in  the  evening  of  the  second  day, 
March  ioth,  thev  were  joyously  welcomed  by  the  officers  and  sol- 
diers at  Fort  Union,  and  also  bv  the  governor  of  Xew  Mexico,  who, 


Fort  Union. 

(From  a wood  engraving  in  “El  Gringo,”  by  W.  W.  H.  Davis.  1857.) 


ADVANCE  OF  THE  COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS. 


79 


with  the  other  territorial  officers,  hacl  abandoned  Santa  Fe  and  made 
Las  Vegas,  thirty  miles  south  of  the  fort,  the  emergency  seat  of 
their  government.  The  governor,  in  a communication  to  the  sec- 
retary of  state,  at  Washington,  written  at  Fort  Union  the  next  day, 
said,  evidently  in  contrast  to  many  of  the  volunteers  of  his  own 
territory,  that  the  Colorado  troops  were  “men  that  from  all  accounts 
can  be  relied  upon,"  and  added  that  his  “militia  have  all  dispersed, 
and  have  gone  to  preparing  their  lands  for  the  coming  harvest,  and 
this  is  by  far  the  best  use  that  could  be  made  of  them."  The  terri- 
tory was  panic-stricken.  Colonel  Canbv,  who  had  not  learned  of 
the  arrival  of  the  "Pike's  Peakers,"  as  the  Confederates  afterward 
called  them,  in  advices  to  Colonel  Paul,  at  Fort  Union,  dated  March 
1 6th,  instructed  the  latter  to  hold  that  post  at  all  hazards,  but  to 
order  Fort  Garland,  in  Colorado,  to  be  entirely  destroyed  if  the 
enemy  menaced  it  by  moving*  on  northward. 

Within  three  weeks  after  the  Colorado  regiment  had  marched  into 
Fort  Union  the  sanguine  invaders  of  New  Mexico  were  hurriedly 
preparing  to  get  out  of  the  country  “as  quick  as  the  Lord  will 
let  us.” 

The  regiment  remained  at  Fort  Union  until  the  2 2d  of  March, 
undergoing  in  the  meantime  almost  daily  drilling.  Tdere,  also,  the 
men  were  completelv  supplied  and  equipped  with  regulation  cloth- 
ing, arms  and  ammunition  from  the  government  stores.  Colonel 
Slough  assumed  command  of  all  of  the  troops  at  the  post,  by  reason 
of  the  seniority  of  his  commission.  Between  him  and  Colonel  Paul 
arose  a difference  of  opinion  in  respect  to  the  execution  of  the 
orders  of  Colonel  Canbv.  The  latter  held  that  only  by  staying  at 
the  fort  until  otherwise  directed  could  the  former  assist  in  accom- 
plishing the  ends  desired  to  be  attained.  The  former  maintained 
that,  on  the  contrary,  he  was  empowered  by  these  orders  “to  be 
governed”  by  his  “own  judgment  and  discretion;”  that  he  was  in- 
structed, “if  joined  by  a sufficient  force,”  to  act  independently 
against  the  enemy ; and  that  by  advancing  over  the  same  route 
which  they  must  pursue  in  reaching  the  fort,  he  could  defend  it 
as  well  as  by  staying,  and  could  better  “harass  the  enemy,”  “ob- 
struct their  movements  and  cut  off  their  supplies,"  as  required,  and. 


Present  Condition  of  Kozlowski’s  Ranch. 
(From  one  of  the  author’s  photographs.) 


ADVANCE  OF  THE  COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS.  8l 

at  the  same  time,  better  discover  an  opportunity  for  “protecting 
Santa  Fe  from  depredation.”  The  sequel  proved,  as  will  be  seen, 
that  his  decision  was  veritably  and  immeasurably  wise.  Beside  this, 
his  Colorado  soldiers  were  endowed  with  such  rugged  energy  that 
thev  could  not  longer  endure  the  routine  of  petty  duties  and  the 
severity  of  discipline  incident  to  garrison  life.  Against  the  vigor- 


Kozlowski’s  Spring-  in  the  Bank  of  the  Creek  Back  of  His  Ranch. 
(From  one  of  the  author’s  photographs.) 


ous  protest  of  Colonel  Paul,  Colonel  Slough  announced  that,  in 
his  departure  from  the  post,  he  could  “not  consent  to  leave  any 
portion  of  his  command  behind.”  Accordingly,  on  the  date  above 
given,  he  began  his  march  toward  Santa  Fe  by  the  way  of  Las 
Vegas.  He  had,  when  he  left  Fort  Union,  beside  his  own  First 
Colorado  regiment.  Captain  Ford’s  company  of  unattached  Colorado 
volunteers,  and  one  of  the  Fourth  regiment  of  New  Mexico  volun- 
teers, and  of  regulars  a battalion  of  infantry,  three  detachments  of 
cavalry  and  two  light  batteries  of  four  guns  each — making  in  all 
1.342  men.  A small  number  of  other  regulars  and  volunteers,  con- 


6 


82 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


sidered  sufficient  to  guard  the  property  in  the  fort,  was  assigned  to 
the  charge  of  its  former  commander. 

On  the  25th  of  March,  in  the  afternoon.  Major  Chivington,  with 
nearly  a third  of  the  advancing  column,  started  from  Bernal  Springs, 
aiming  to  reach  Santa  Fe  as  soon  as  possible,  and  to  surprise  and 
expel  the  enemy,  reported  then  to  be  only  “about  one  hundred  men, 
with  two  pieces  of  artillerv."  Chivington’s  force  consisted  of  sixty 
men  of  Company  A,  Captain  Wynkoop ; sixty  of  Company  D,  Cap- 
tain Downing;  sixty  of  Company  E,  Captain  Anthony,  and  eighty- 
eight  mounted  men  of  Company  F,  under  Captain  Cook  and  Lieu- 
tenants Nelson  and  Marshall,  all  of  the  First  Colorado.  Twenty 
eight  of  Company  C,  six  of  Company  D,  six  of  — , and  ten  of  K, 
Third  Regular  Cavalry,  under  Captain  1 lowland  and  Lieutenants 
Wall  and  Falvey;  fifty  of  Company  E,  Third  Regular  Cavalry, 
commanded  by  Captain  Walker  and  Lieutenant  Banks;  lift}-  of 
Companies  D and  G,  First  Regular  Cavalry,  under  Captain  Lord 
and  Lieutenant  Bernard.  In  all,  418  enlisted  men.  Late  in  the 
night  these  troops  stopped  and  encamped  at  Kozlowski's  ranch,  a 
short  distance  south  of  the  ruined  Pecos  mission.  Here  they  were 
told  that  some  Confederate  scouts,  heavily  armed  and  splendidly 
mounted,  were  in  the  neighborhood,  and  had  visited  the  place  early 
in  the  evening-.  Before  they  left  in  the  direction  of  La  Glorieta 
pass  they  had  inquired:  “Have  any  Yanks  been  seen  about  here?" 
Of  course,  they  were  answered  in  the  negative,  as  none  had  then 
made  an  appearance.  At  once  was  introduced  a new  policy  into  the 
Federal  conduct  of  the  war  in  the  territory — one  that  was  bold, 
vigorous  and  aggressive  in  the  treatment  of  the  Texans.  Lieutenant 
Nelson,  of  Captain  Cook's  company,  was  sent  with  twenty  men  to 
find  and  capture  these  scouting  Confederates,  which  he  effected  be- 
fore daybreak  at  Pigeon’s  ranch,  just  within  the  eastern  entrance 
to  this  pass,  without  firing  a shot,  and  then  immediately  returned 
with  the  prisoners  to  camp.  Among  these  were  two  officers,  one. 
Lieutenant  McIntyre,  who  had  formerly  belonged  to  Colonel 
Canbv’s  staff,  and  had  served  with  him  at  the  battle  of  Valverde, 
but  had  deserted  to  the  enemy,  and  the  other.  Captain  Hall,  had 
been  a well-known  resident  of  Denver  City.  At  this  time  Major 


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84 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


Chivington  learned  that  the  advance  of  General  Sibley’s  army  was 
at  the  farther  end  of  La  Glorieta  pass,  and  was  expected  to  move  the 
following  day  toward  Fort  Union. 

Kozlowski's  ranch,  at  which  Chivington'" s detachment  encamped, 
became  closely  associated  with  the  operations  of  Colonel  Slough's 
command  while  in  this  region.  The  adobe  building  in  the  accom- 
panying view  is  the  largest  of  several  in  the  group,  and  stands  on 
the  right  bank  of  a stream  that  empties  into  the  Pecos  river.  Beyond 
it,  in  the  somewhat  deep  channel,  is  a grove  of  cottonwood  trees,  and 
under  them  a copious  spring  of  pure  water  flows  from  crevices  in 
the  sandstone  rock.  This  furnished  a reason  for  the  location  of  the 
ranch  at  the  place.  Here  for  many  years  were  provided  excellent 
accommodations  for  the  stages,  freighters  and  other  conveyances 
traveling  on  the  Santa  Fe  trail,  which  crossed  the  stream  at  this 
point.  In  the  picture,  in  front  of  the  building,  stands,  in  military 
attitude,  Martin  Kozlowski,  the  owner.  He  was  born  April  24, 
1827,  in  the  city  of  Warsaw,  Poland;  took  part  in  the  revolution 
of  his  countrymen  in  1848  against  Germany;  was  a refugee  for 
two  years  in  England,  where  he  married;  came  to  America  and 
enlisted  in  1853  in  the  First  Dragoons  of  the  regular  army  of  the 
United  States;  served  five  years  in  New  Mexico,  fighting  the 
Indians,  and  was  mustered  out  in  1858,  when  he  settled  down 
here  on  his  600  acres  of  land.  He  complimented  the  Union  troops 
thus:  “When  they  camped  on  my  place,  and  while  they  made  my 
tavern  their  hospital  for  over  two  months  after  their  battles  in  the 
canon,  they  never  robbed  me  of  anything,  not  even  a chicken." 

As  long  as  these  Federal  troops  were  here,  they  made  their  camp 
on  the  bluff  covered  with  cedar  bushes,  as  appears  in  the  view. 
The  camp  was  named  after  Captain  William  H.  Lewis,  from  Fort 
Dodge,  Kansas,  a brave  and  efficient  officer  of  the  Fifth  Infantry 
of  the  regular  army.  At  the  left  of  the  view  is  seen  a section  of 
the  front  portico  to  Kozlowski's  main  structure,  and  at  the  right 
the  Santa  Fe  trail  winds  down  the  northern  slope  of  the  bluff  toward 
the  ford  in  the  stream.  In  the  distance  are  some  of  the  nearer 
heights  of  the  Pecos  mesa,  just  in  front  of  which  now  runs  the 
Santa  Fe  Railway,  that  enters  La  Glorieta  pass  five  miles  back. 


THE  FIGHT  IN  THE  APACHE  CANON. 


At  eight  o’clock  in  the  morning  of  March  26th  the  detachment 
of  troops  under  Major  Chivington  broke  camp  at  Kozlowski’s 
ranch,  to  make  a reconnoissance  in  force,  without  artillery,  toward 
the  capital  of  the  territory.  In  passing  the  ruins  of  the  Pecos 
pueblo  and  of  the  old  Franciscan  mission  they  closely  observed  the 
extensive  remains  of  these  structures,  which  to  them  were  both 
novel  and  impressive.  They  arrived  in  due  time  at  Pigeon’s  ranch, 
which  holds  a very  prominent  place  in  the  history  of  the  campaign. 

This,  also,  was  a hostelry,  the  largest  and  most  convenient  on  the 
trail  from  Las  Vegas  to  Santa  Fe.  Though  at  the  time  of  this 
writing  it  is  greatly  dilapidated,  it  is  still  the  dwelling  of  a family. 
It  was  so  called  after  the  nickname  applied  before  the  Civil  War 
to  its  proprietor,  Alexander  Valle,  a Franco- American,  from  his 
peculiar  style  of  dancing  at  parties.  He  was  genial,  vivacious  and 
obliging,  a popular  host  with  travelers  for  years,  and  became  such 
to  the  Union  soldiers  entertained  by  him.  His  ranch  was  located 
in  a defile  of  the  canon,  so  narrow  that  it  was  fully  occupied  by 
the  buildings,  the  road,  and  an  arroyo,  in  which  flows  a small  stream 
some  months  in  a year.  In  the  accompanying  view  is  seen  the  prin- 
cipal structure,  the  rear  of  which  formed  a kind  of  Asiatic  caravan- 
sary, where  guests  could  lodge  by  themselves  and  eat  their  own 
meals.  Beyond  was  a double  corral  for  enclosing  and  protecting 
loaded  wagons,  and  to  it  was  attached  sheds  with  stalls  for  draft 
horses  and  mules.  Back  of  these,  running  up  well  into  a ravine, 
Avas  a strong  adobe  wall  that  surrounded  a yard  in  which  teams 
could  also  be  kept  and  fed.  The  square  indentation  in  the  upper 
part  of  the  nearest  end  of  the  building,  partially  roofed,  is  said  to 
have  been  made  by  a cannon  ball  fired  in  the  engagement  that  oc- 
curred at  this  ranch  on  the  second  day  after  Major  Chivington’s 
force  stopped  here. 

But  this  detachment,  after  proceeding  fully  a mile  and  a half 
up  the  pass,  gained  the  summit  of  its  divide  about  trvo  o’clock  in 


(85) 


Present  Condition  of  Pigeon’s  Ranch. 
'I'oiii  ono  of  tho  author’s  photographs.) 


FIGHT  IX  THE  APACHE  CAN  OX. 


87 

the  afternoon,  and  the  advance  guard,  in  descending  the  opposite 
slope  and  through  a narrow  gulch,  came,  at  a short  turn  in  the  road 
and  in  the  midst  of  a thicket  of  trees  and  bushes,  unexpectedly  upon 
a scouting  party,  from  a larger  force  a mile  or  so  back,  of  thirty 
mounted  Texans  led  by  a lieutenant,  none  of  whom  had  any  knowl- 
edge of  the  approach  of  these  Federal  troops  from  Fort  Union. 
They  were  taken  prisoners  without  any  casualties  to  either  side. 
One  of  the  captors  rushed  back  to  the  main  body  under  Major  Chiv- 
ington,  shouting,  “We've  got  them  corraled  this  time!"  and  ex- 
ploding an  imperative  to  the  “boys,"  as  he  designated  them,  in  lan- 
guage too  vigorous  to  be  repeated  here.  The  forward  movement 
was  continued  by  the  whole  column  hurriedly,  but  cautiously,  for 
three-fourths  of  a mile  down  to  a point  where  the  trail  bends  to 
the  right  and  enters  a long  open  space  in  the  Apache  canon  proper, 
the  western  section  of  La  Glorieta  pass.  Our  illustration  of  this 
locality  (“the  Upper  Battlefield  in  the  Apache  Canon")  is  from 
a photograph  taken  from  the  track  of  the  Santa  Fe  Railway,  which 
runs  well  up  on  the  side  of  the  canon,  that  here  turns  abruptly  to 
the  southwest.  Glorieta  mountain  is  seen  in  the  distance.  A deep 
arroyo  winds  down  through  the  depression  immediately  in  front, 
and  just  beyond  it  the  old  Santa  Fe  trail  passes.  1 he  main  body 
of  the  Confederates  entered  this  field  on  the  left,  low  down  in  the 
view,  and  their  scouting  party  had  been  captured  on  the  right  among 
the  trees  at  the  extreme  upper  end.  The  Union  column  rushed  down 
into  the  field  from  that  direction,  and  sought  shelter  at  first  from 
the  cannon  shots  of  the  invaders  behind  and  to  the  east  of  the  ridge 
that  nearly  crosses,  transversely,  the  upper  part  of  the  canon. 

This  vanguard  of  Sibley’s  brigade,  under  the  command  of  Major 
Pyron,  having  marched  about  two  hours  from  their  camp  at  the 
western  end  of  La  Glorieta  pass,  arrived  on  the  nearest  portion  of 
the  field  seen  in  this  view,  with  entire  confidence  that  they  would 
be  successful  in  their  expedition  to  Fort  Union.  How  extreme  must 
have  been  their  surprise  when  they  here  discovered,  without  any 
forwarning,  the  presence  of  a determined  foe,  only  a third  of  a 
mile  away  from  them,  eager  for  an  encounter.  Then  were  exhib- 
ited the  superb  push,  daring  and  hardiness  of  the  frontiersmen  wha 


88 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


constituted  the  bulk  of  both  commands.  On  this  spot  began  the 
armed  conflict — brief,  fearless  and  decisive — between  these  detach- 
ments, in  one  of  which  were  “Baylor’s  Babes,”  as  they  were  fami- 
liarly called,  and  in  the  other  the  “Pet  Lambs  of  Colorado.”  The 
issue  at  stake  was  the  immediate  mastery  and  the  future  civil  con- 
trol of  an  immense  region  in  the  West  and  Southwest. 


View  of  the  Upper  Battlefield  in  the  Apache  Canon,  Looking  North. 

(From  one  of  the  author’s  photographs.) 

The  Confederate  force  halted  at  once  on  seeing  the  Federal;  un- 
furled in  defiance  its  red  flag,  on  which  was  displayed  the  emblem 
of  Texas,  the  “Lone  Star,”  and  planted  in  the  road  its  artillery, 
two  fine  howitzers,  guarded  by  mounted  infantry.  Shells  and  grape 
shot  were  quickly  thrown  at  close  quarters  in  the  direction  of  the 
Union  troops,  who  crowded  in  some  confusion  of  formation  to  the 
left  into  shelter  from  the  fire.  By  vigorous  measures  Major  Chiv- 
ington  at  once  restored  order  among  his  men.  Those  mounted  were 
sent  to  the  rear  in  charge  of  Captain  George  W.  Howland,  of  the 
Third  United  States  Cavalry,  with  instructions  to  hurl  themselves 
upon  the  Texan  artillerymen  in  case  they  saw  these  in  retreat ; and 


FIGHT  IN  THE  APACHE  CANON. 


89 


Captain  Cook,  with  his  mounted  company  of  the  First  Colorado 
Volunteers,  was  instructed  to  join  Howland  in  this  movement.  Cap- 
tains Wvnkoop  and  Anthony,  with  their  companies,  were  deployed 
at  double-quick  as  skirmishers  on  the  mountainside  among  the 
thick  evergreen  trees  to  the  left  of  the  field.  These  two  were  soon 
joined  by  Captain  Charles  J.  Walker  with  a company  of  regular 
cavalry  dismounted.  Captain  Downing  with  his  company  of  the 
First  Colorado,  as  skirmishers,  hastened  along  the  irregular  moun- 
tainside to  the  right.  Smaller  parties  of  other  volunteers  and  regu- 
lars were  stationed  in  front,  doubtless  under  the  protection  afforded 
by  the  low  transverse  ridge  of  ground  lying  in  the  back  part  of  the 
field. 

The  rapid  firing  of  the  skirmishers  upon  the  flanks  of  the  Texans 
made  “their  position  in  the  road  untenable,’’  and  they  retired  speed- 
ily with  their  guns  to  the  lower  end  of  the  open  space,  where  the 
canon  turns  abruptly  to  the  right,  and  disappeared  down  it  about 
three-fourths  of  a mile  to  a place  where  the  mountain  ranges  draw 
closer  to  each  other  and  affording  far  better  advantages  for  defense. 
Captain  Howland  failed  to  lead  his  command,  as  ordered,  against 
the  foe  leaving  the  field  in  a broken  condition.  The  Federals  col- 
lected their  scattered  forces,  and  followed  with  caution  to  a point 
where  there  is  a sharp  projection  of  rock  into  the  canon,  and  here 
they  halted  under  this  cover  to  complete  plans  for  another  attack. 
On  the  way  they  had  been  saluted  with  an  occasional  cannon  ball 
from  the  road,  and  with  buck  shot  and  rifle  bullets  from  rocks  on 
both  sides  of  it,  by  the  retreating  Confederates. 

The  Texans  as  repulsed  withdrew  from  the  upper  battlefield  on 
the  Santa  Fe  trail,  which  is  seen  in  the  illustration  of  that  field,  as 
well  as  in  the  picture  of  the  lower  one ; crossed  a bridge  of  logs, 
of  which  the  one  in  the  foreground  of  the  latter  view  is  a successor, 
and  then  removed  it  so  as  to  cut  off  an  immediate  pursuit  by  the 
Union  cavalry;  posted  their  howitzers  in  the  defile  just  beyond  the 
bridge,  where  they  could  command  the  road,  and  completely  cov- 
ered the  mountain  slopes  on  both  sides  with  their  supports  of  the 
artillery.  The  same  arroyo  runs  through  both  battlefields,  generally 
from  twenty  to  twenty-five  feet  deep,  and  with  perpendicular  banks. 


90 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


The  bridge  by  which  it  was  spanned  was  at  least  sixteen  feet  long, 
and  furnished  the  only  convenient  crossing  from  one  side  to  the 
other.  So  any  front  attack  by  either  cavalry  or  infantry  must  be 
made  along  a very  narrow  margin,  and  the  destruction  of  the  bridge, 
it  was  expected,  would  stop  any  further  advance  of  the  Northern 
troops  in  that  direction.  Beside,  this  structure  was  located  beneath 
a high  ridge,  over  the  top  of  which,  as  from  behind  a bastion  wall 
of  a fort,  shots  in  volleys  could  be  discharged  in  the  very  faces  of  an 
attacking  army  and  with  comparative  safety  to  the  defenders.  The 
distribution  of  the  skirmishers  in  supporting  the  battery,  especially 
those  of  an  entire  company  on  this  high  ridge,  would  frustrate,  in 
all  probability,  an  attempt  successfully  to  flank  the  position.  In- 
deed, it  was  a formidable  one,  and  could  be  taken  by  a small  force 
onlv  by  the  exhibition  of  surpassing  bravery  and  skillful  maneuver. 

Within  an  eighth  of  a mile  of  the  place,  and  with  the  utmost 
promptness,  Major  Chivington  proceeded  to  execute  plan  adopted 
for  the  assault  upon  this  natural  fortress.  He  dismounted  the  regu- 
lar cavalry  under  Captain  Howland,  and  united  the  men  with  the 
infantry  commanded  by  the  intrepid  Captain  'Downing,  who  was 
directed  to  climb  the  steep  and  rough  mountainside  on  the  right 
above  the  Texan  skirmishers,  and  by  the  close  and  incessant  firing 
of  his  men  drive  the  Confederates  out  of  the  bottom  of  the  canon. 
Captains  Wynkoop  and  Anthony,  with  their  companies,  were  or- 
dered to  outflank  the  skirmishers  on  the  left  in  the  same  manner, 
to  assist  in  effecting  this  result.  Captain  Cook's  mounted  company 
was  placed  in  reserve  out  of  the  range  of  the  howitzers,  and  told 
to  charge,  at  a given  signal,  upon  the  Confederates  when  they 
showed  any  disposition  to  abandon  the  field.  The  rest  of  the  Fed- 
eral forces  were  required  to  make  a movement  directly  in  front. 
Among  these  was  Major  Chivington  on  horseback,  “with  a pistol 
in  each  hand  and  one  or  two  under  his  arms,"  giving  special  orders 
for  the  charge  “with  great  energy."  “Of  commanding  presence, 
and  dressed  in  full  regimentals,  he  was  a conspicuous  mark  for  the 
Texan  sharpshooters."  One  of  their  officers,  taken  prisoner,  averred 
that  he  emptied  his  revolver  three  times  at  the  major,  and  made  his 
companv  fire  a volley  at  him.  But  he  galloped  on  unhurt  through 


FIGHT  IX  THE  APACHE  CANON. 


9I 


the  storm  of  bullets.  Valle,  of  Pigeon's  ranch,  said  of  him.  in  this 
right : “’E  poot  i z 'ead  down  and  foight  loike  a malic!  bull."  1 lie 

companies  on  the  flanks  performed  their  difficult  task  with  great 
celeritv.  In  an  hour’s  time  the  supports  of  the  Confederate  battery 
were  driven  from  the  mountainsides  to  the  center  of  the  battlefield, 
still  fighting  “like  tigers  at  bay."  At  the  opportune  moment,  Cap- 
tain Cook's  men  tore  down  the  road  in  a body,  and  with  a hair- 


Near  View  of  the  Strategic  Bridge  in  the  Lower  Battlefield  in  the  Apache  Canon. 
(From  one  of  the  author's  photographs.) 


raising  veil  compelled  all  of  their  103  horses  but  one.  which  fell 
back  upon  its  rider  into  the  arroyo  and  injured  him  for  life,  to  leap 
across  the  chasm  at  the  bridge.  Then  they  immediately,  in  the 
midst  of  the  missiles  that  rained  upon  them  from  the  high  ridges, 
charged  three  times  forward  and  back  through  the  fleeing  and 
crowded  ranks  of  the  Texans,  running  over  them,  trampling  them 
down,  and  scattering  them  in  every  direction — “as  gallant  an  onset 
in  war  as  ever  was  made.”  Their  guns  “proved  too  light-footed" 
to  be  overtaken.  By  the  time  the  Confederates  were,  in  terror  and 
disorder,  rushing  along  the  canon  at  and  beyond  the  bold  curve  in 
it  to  the  left  through  the  gorge  seen  in  the  farther  part  of  the  view, 


92  COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 

Captain  Downing  and  his  men  had  raced  across  the  mountain  to 
the  right,  and  were  pouring  into  them  a “most  galling  and  destruct- 
ive fire,”  which  drove  them  into  the  base  of  the  mountain  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  canon,  where  his  company,  with  those  of  Cap- 
tains Wynkoop  and  Anthony,  took  about  fifty  of  them  prisoners. 

Evening  coming  on,  further  pursuit 
was  abandoned. 

While  the  number  of  men  on  each 
side  was  comparatively  small,  and 
the  engagement  occupied  but  two  or 
three  hours,  the  fight  was  furious 
while  it  lasted.  The  Texans  were 
badly  used  up,  and,  beside  their 
heavy  losses  in  killed  and  wounded, 
some  seventy  or  eighty  of  them  were 
prisoners.  Seven  of  their  command- 
ing officers  were  among  the  slain. 
Only  one  Union  officer.  Captain 
Cook,  of  Company  F,  'First  Colo- 
rado, was  hit  in  the  fray.  He  was 
struck  in  the  thigh  by  an  ounce  ball 
and  three  buck  shot,  and  a minute 
or  two  later  in  the  foot  by  a bullet. 
But  to  hearten  his  men  he  made 
light  of  his  agonizing  wounds.  By 
a distressing  accident,  Lieutenant 
Marshall,  of  Cook’s  company,  lost  his  life,  being  killed  by  the  dis- 
charge of  a prisoner’s  musket,  which  he  held  at  its  muzzle  end  in 
striking  it  across  a rock  to  break  it. 

It  should  be  noted  by  the  reader  that  none  of  the  Colorado  volun- 
teers had  ever  before  engaged  in  a battle.  Among  these  a private 
captured  a Texas  captain  hidden  in  the  arroyo,  and,  having  dis- 
armed him,  led  him  to  the  rear.  In  a house,  still  standing  in  the 
lower  battlefield,  fifteen  Confederates  were  made  prisoners,  when 
they  might  easily  have  defended  themselves  in  it  for  a longer  time. 
After  one  of  the  Texans  had  surrendered  he  concealed  himself  be- 


Captain  Samuel  H.  Cook. 
(From  a war-time  photograph  in 
the  State  Historical  and  Natural 
History  Society’s  collection.) 


FIGHT  IN  THE  APACHE  CANON. 


93 


hind  a rock  and  deliberately  shot  at  Captain  Logan,  who  seized  a 
rifle  and  mortally  wounded  him  on  the  spot.  The  defeated  Confed- 
erates returned  to  the  camp  they  had  left  in  the  morning,  sent  a 
flag  of  truce  late  in  the  evening,  and  requested  the  privilege  of  bury- 
ing their  dead  and  caring  for  their  wounded.  At  the  lower  end  of 
the  upper  battlefield  some  skeletons  of  these  devoted  victims  of  war 
recently  have  been  washed  by  the  rains  from  a bank  of  the  arroyo. 
On  this  field  grape  shot  are  still  plowed  up  in  the  spring  of  the  year. 
Major  Chivington's  troops  left  the  scene  of  this  engagement  early 
that  night,  as  they  feared  the  return  of  Ma j or  Pyron's  command, 
largely  reenforced  by  a detachment  from  the  reserves  in  the  camp 
at  Galisteo,  and  they  hastily  gathered  up  their  dead  and  wounded, 
and  several  of  the  wounded  Confederates,  and  carried  them  to 
Pigeon’s  ranch,  where  a hospital  was  established,  and  then  they 
encamped  here  for  the  remainder  of  the  night.  Still,  a small  force 
of  cavalry  was  held  in  the  Apache  canon  as  a rear  guard  until  later 
in  the  night. 

The  following  are  extracts  from  a letter  written  April  30,  1862, 
at  Socorro,  New  Mexico,  by  a paroled  Texan  prisoner,  to  his  wife, 
and  placed  in  the  hands  of  a comrade  to  be  given  by  him  to  her.  It 
was  found,  with  a large  number  of  others,  at  Mesilla,  after  the  last 
of  these  prisoners  had  left  the  territory  by  the  succeedinglv  July. 
It  strengthens  some  of  the  statements  made  in  the  foregoing  de- 
scription of  the  fighting  in  the  Apache  canon,  and  adds  several  new 
items  of  interest : 

“We  felt  like  heroes,  having  had  a fight  at  Fort  Craig',  scaring 
the  Mexicans  to  flight,  and  driving'  the  regular  soldiers  into  the 
fort,  and  getting  past  with  our  whole  army,  and  cutting  off  all 
supplies  and  relief  to  the  fort.  We  marched  up  the  country  with 
the  fixed  determination  to  wrench  this  country  from  the  United 
States  government,  and  we  all  thought  it  would  soon  be  in  our 
hands.  But  what  a mistake!  Having  marched  up  beyond  Santa  Fe 
we  were  again  met  by  the  enemy,  from  Fort  Union,  and,  after  three 
battles  with  them,  all  of  us  who  were  not  killed  or  taken  prisoners 
were  obliged  to  destroy  everything  they  had  and  flee  to  the  moun- 
tains for  their  lives,  and  to  get  out  of  the  country,  the  Lord  only 
knows  how.  We  are  among  those  taken  prisoners.  * * *. 


94 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


“Our  company,  with  the  Second  and  Third  regiments,  reached 
Santa  Fe  the  16th  or  17th  of  March.  In  two  days  our  regiment 
came  up.  We  were  to  wait  a short  time,  and  then  march  on  and 
take  Fort  Union,  which,  we  thought,  was  ours  already;  and  then 
New  Mexico  would  belong  to  the  new  government  of  the  South, 
and  it  would  then  lie  so  easy  to  cut  off  all  communication  from  Cali- 
fornia. On  the  22<1  six  hundred  of  us  were  ordered  to  march  to 
Apache  canon  to  stand  picket.  FI  ere  we  all  dismounted,  and  our 
horses  were  sent  to  a ranch,  on  account  of  being  worn  out  by  hard 
riding.  One  company  went  with  the  horses  to  guard  them,  and  we 
went  into  camp  at  the  mouth  of  the  canon.  On  the  26th  we  got 
word  that  the  enemy  was  coming  down  the  canon  in  the  shape  of 
200  Mexicans  and  about  200  regulars.  Out  we  marched  with  the 
two  cannons,  expecting'  an  easv  victory;  but  what  a mistake!  In- 
stead of  Mexicans  and  regulars,  they  were  regular  demons,  upon 
whom  iron  and  lead  had  no  effect,  in  the  shape  of  Pike's  Peakers, 
from  the  Denver  City  gold  mines,  where  we  thought  of  going  about 
a year  ago. 

“As  1 said,  up  the  canon  we  went  for  about  four  miles,  where  we 
met  the  enemy  coming  at  double-quick,  but  our  grape  and  shell  soon 
stopped  them;  hut  before  we  could  form  in  line  of  battle  their  in- 
fantry were  upon  the  hills  on  both  sides  of  us,  shooting  us  down  like 
sheep.  The  order  was  given  to  retreat  down  the  canon,  which  we 
did  about  a mile.  The  cannons  and  a company  of  men  stopped  to 
check  the  enemy,  while  the  rest  of  us  went  down  the  canon  a mile 
farther,  to  where  the  road  makes  a short  bencl  to  the  left,  with  high 
and  ragged  mountains  on  both  sides.  In  these  mountains  were  sta- 
tioned about  one  hundred  and  fifty  men;  fort}'  more  were  stationed 
in  and  about  some  houses  on  the  right  of  the  road,  1 among  the 
number.  This  was  no  sooner  done  than  up  came  the  cannons,  with 
the  enemy  at  their  heels;  hut  when  they  saw  us  ready  to  receive 
them  they  stopped,  hut  only  for  a short  time,  for  in  a few  minutes 
they  could  he  seen  on  the  mountains  jumping  from  rock  to  rock 
like  so  many  mountain  sheep.  They  had  no  sooner  got  within 
shooting  distance  of  us  than  up  came  a company  of  cavalry  at  full 
charge,  with  swords  and  revolvers  drawn,  looking  like  so  many 
flying  devils.  O11  they  came  to  what  I supposed  was  destruction; 
but  nothing  like  lead  or  iron  seemed  to  stop  them,  for  we  were  pour- 
ing it  into  them  from  every  side  like  hail  in  a storm.  In  a moment 
these  devils  had  run  the  gauntlet  for  half  a mile,  and  were  fighting- 
hand  to  hand  with  our  men  in  the  road.  The  houses  that  I spoke 
of  before  were  seven  or  eig'ht  hundred  yards  to  the  right  of  the 
road,  with  a wide  ditch  [arrovo]  between  it  and  them.  Flere  we 


c Place  on  the  Hills  and  in  the  Valley  Beyond  the  Bridge, 
photographs. ) 


96 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


felt  safe,  but  again  we  were  mistaken,  for  no  sooner  did  they  see 
us  than  some  of  them  turned  their  horses,  jumped  the  ditch  and 
like  demons  came  charging  on  us.  It  looked  as  if  their  horses’  feet 
never  touched  the  ground,  until  they  were  among  us. 

“It  was  a grand  sight.  We  shot  as  fast  as  we  could,  and  as  that 
handful  of  men  jumped  the  ditch  and  charged  on  us  we  expected 
to  shoot  the  last  one  before  they  reached  us.  But  luck  was  against 
us,  and  after  fighting  hand  to  hand  with  them,  and  our  comrades 
being  shot  and  cut  down  every  moment,  we  were  obliged  to  sur- 
render. Now,  who  do  you  suppose  it  was  that  came  charging  and 
nearly  running  over  me,  with  a revolver  pointing  at  my  head,  or- 
dering me  to  lay  down  my  arms  and  consider  myself  a prisoner? 
This  I did,  for  I knew  that  the  next  moment  would  be  my  last  if 
I did  not.  It  was  George  Lowe,  brother-in-law  of  Mr.  Whitney, 
that  keeps  the  store  at  Portage,  Wis.  You  know  him  well.  I knew 
him  as  soon  as  I saw  him,  but  he  did  not  recognize  me,  and  I was 
very  glad  of  it.  * * *. 

“How  any  one  of  these  men  who  charged  us  escaped  death  will 
ever  be  a wonder  to  me.  Our  men  who  were  fighting  them  in  the 
road  were  soon  obliged  to  retreat,  and  the  fight  was  over.  About 
eighty  of  us  who  were  taken  prisoners  were  soon  marched  off  to 
Fort  Union.  How  many  were  killed  and  wounded  I don’t  know,  but 
there  must  have  been  a large  number.  Such  a sight  I never  want 
to  see  again.  As  I was  marched  off  the  field  I saw  some  men  with 
their  heads  nearly  shot  off,  some  with  their  arms  or  legs  shot  off. 
and  one  poor  man,  that  belonged  to  my  company,  I saw  lying 
against  a tree  with  his  brains  all  shot  out.  Henry  Asher  had  an 
arm  shot  off,  but  made  out  to  escape.  He  was  standing  by  my  side 
when  he  was  shot.  The  men  that  charged  us  seemed  to  have 
charmed  lives,  for  if  they  had  not  they  could  never  have  reached  us 
alive." 

In  the  morning  of  the  27th  of  March  Major  Chivington’s  men 
were  engaged  at  Pigeon’s  ranch  in  burying  their  dead  in  an  open 
field  a quarter  of  a mile  down  the  canon,  in  attending  to  the  needs 
of  the  wounded  they  had  brought  here  the  evening  before,  and  in 
arranging  to  send  their  prisoners  on  to  Fort  Union.  They  had 
been  joined  during  the  night  by  a reinforcement  of  300  infantry 
and  cavalry  from  Bernal  Springs,  where  Colonel  Slough  had  his 
reserves  in  camp,  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  to  resist  any  farther 
advance,  if  it  should  be  attempted,  of  the  Texans  at  the  western 


FIGHT  IN  THE  APACHE  CANON. 


97  ‘ 


extremity  of  the  pass,  which  locality  was  then  known  as  Johnson’s 
ranch,  and  is  now  called  Canoncito.  Fortunately,  a quantity  of  flour 
and  corn,  stored  by  the  invaders  a few  days  before  in  a building 
near  Pigeon's  ranch,  was  found  and  confiscated  by  these  hungry 
men,  who  converted  it  into  their  morning  rations.  The  water  taken 
from  a well  here,  then  the  only  supply,  proved  to  be  insufficient  for 
them  and  their  horses,  and  so  they  returned  in  a body  to  their  camp 
at  Kozlowski’s,  where,  as  we  have  already  seen,  there  was  a copious 
spring.  Here,  or  more  probably  on  the  ridge  just  south  of  the 
ruined  old  Pecos  mission,  the  entire  force,  the  remaining  detach- 
ment at  Bernal  Springs  having  arrived,  were  reunited  in  the  after- 
noon and  night  following,  and  the  plans  formed  for  the  movements 
on  the  next  day. 


THE  DECISIVE  BATTLE. 


At  the  opening  of  the  battle  in  Apache  canon,  in  the  afternoon 
of  March  26th,  Major  Pyron,  in  charge  of  the  Confederate  force 
engaged  there,  sent  a swift  courier  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Scurry, 
the  Confederate  commander  at  Galisteo,  about  fifteen  miles  dis- 
tant, to  inform  the  latter  that  he  “was  engaged  in  a sharp  conflict" 
with  the  enemy,  and  to  urge  that  a force  be  “hastened  to  his  relief." 
Colonel  Scurry,  in  his  report  of  the  battle  of  La  Glorieta,  says  that 
“the  critical  condition  of  Major  Pyron  and  his  gallant  comrades 
was  made  known  to  the  command,  and  in  ten  minutes  the  column 
was  formed  and  the  order  to  march  given." 

By  daylight  next  morning  not  only  this  detachment,  hut  all  of 
the  Confederate  reserves  at  Galisteo,  and  their  entire  baggage  train, 
had  reached,  “in  a cold  night  march,”  Pyron’s  encampment  at  John- 
son’s ranch,  at  the  western  end  of  La  Glorieta  pass.  An  agreement 
had  been  made  between  Chivington  and  Pyron  to  suspend  hostilities 
until  eight  o’clock  the  next  morning,  and  after  that  hour  an  attack 
some  time  during  the  day  was  expected  by  Colonel  Scurry.  He, 
therefore,  early  examined  the  location  and  its  surroundings  very 
thoroughly,  and  satisfied  himself  that  it  afforded  an  exceedingly 
strong  position  for  defense.  He  then  stationed  his  troops  so  as  to 
command  every  approach  to  it.  The  attack  not  occurring,  he  de- 
cided to  move  forward  soon  after  sunrise  the  next  day,  March  28th, 
through  the  pass,  with  all  portions  of  which  he  was  well  acquainted ; 
to  leave  his  train  behind  with  only  “a  small  wagon  guard,”  so  that 
his  progress  might  not  be  impeded,  and  to  gain  the  level  ground 
near  the  ruins  of  the  Pecos  pueblo,  where  he  would  offer  battle  to 
the  Federal  troops,  anticipating  a decisive  victory  similar  to  that 
won  at  Valverde. 

Accordingly,  on  that  day,  it  being  next  to  the  last  in  the  week, 
he  began,  at  the  appointed  hour,  his  march  with  three  Texan  regi- 
ments having  seventeen  partially  filled  companies,  with  an  inde- 
pendent one  of  volunteers  called  Brigandes,  and  with  an  efficient 


(98) 


THE  DECISIVE  BATTLE. 


99 


battery  of  three  guns,  a total  of  about  1,100  men.  His  soldiers  bad 
enjoyed  a season  of  rest,  though  somewhat  brief  to  about  a fourth 
of  them,  and  nearly  all  of  them  already  had  been  under  fire.  There 
prevailed  among  them  the  fullest  confidence  in  the  ability  of  their 
leader,  and  complete  harmony  in  their  ranks.  The  field  officers  had 
shown  themselves  to  be  cool,  fearless  and  aggressive  in  battle,  with 
the  skill  of  veterans  in  handling  small  bodies  of  troops.  The  whole 
command  was  animated  with  the  expectation  of  soon  reaching 
Fort  Union  and  capturing  it  with  all  of  its  vast  army  supplies. 
Then  the  region  from  the  lower  ranges  of  the  Rocky  mountains 
west  to  the  Colorado  river  would  be  practically  in  their  possession. 

Instead  of  on  an  open  space  of  ground  near  the  Pecos  pueblo, 
it  was  on  the  eastern  decline  of  La  Glorieta  pass,  among  thick  pine 
trees  and  cedar  bushes,  within  a mile  to  the  west  of  Pigeon’s  ranch, 
that  Colonel  Scurry  first  halted  his  forces  about  half-past  eight 
o’clock  in  the  morning,  as  he  had  then  discovered  a considerable 
body  of  Federal  soldiers  occupying  the  last-named  place.  This  was 
a far  more  advantageous  position  for  both  an  attack  and  a defense, 
where  two  small  armies  were  about  to  fight  each  other,  though 
undoubtedly  favoring  the  former  movement  rather  than  the  latter. 
Here  had  been  formed  by  a local  glacier  from  Glorieta  mountain 
a series  of  terminal  moraines,  two  of  which  are  low  bluffs,  merging 
on  the  south  into  bold,  rocky  elevations,  and  lying  nearly  parallel 
to  each  other,  and  not  far  apart.  The  northern  ends  of  these  evi- 
dently had  been  broken  through  or  washed  away  by  a large,  rapid 
stream  caused  by  the  melting  of  the  immense  deposit  of  ice  in  the 
pass  and  on  the  mountainsides,  and  leaving  a narrow  and  deeper 
depression  along  them,  through  which  now  run  the  old  Santa  Fe 
trail  and  the  Glorieta  arroyo.  These  features  of  the  place,  together 
with  the  abrupt  slopes  of  the  canon  and  the  high  ledges  of  rock 
in  the  rear  and  in  the  front  of  Pigeon’s  ranch,  served  to  determine 
largely  the  positions  taken,  the  maneuvers  adopted,  and  the  results 
attained  in  the  fierce  and  prolonged  struggle  had  here  on  that  day. 

Soon  after  the  Texans  began  their  advance  in  the  morning  from 
Johnson’s  ranch,  the  Federal  troops  in  camp  at  Kozlowski's  started 
in  two  columns  to  reconnoiter  in  force  the  former,  with  the  view 


View  of  the  Western  Entrance  to  La  Glorieta  Pass,  at  Johnson’s  Ranch,  or  Canoncito. 
(From  one  of  the  author’s  photographs.) 


THE  DECISIVE  BATTLE. 


1 0 1^- 

of  ascertaining  the  Confederates’  position  and  actual  strength,  and 
of  harassing  them  as  much  as  possible,  if  the  opportunity  should 
he  offered.  About  one-thircl  of  the  command  was  ordered,  under 
the  charge  of  Major  Chivington,  to  “push  forward”  to  the  western 
end  of  the  pass  by  a circuitous  route  over  the  mountains  to  the 
south  of  it,  and  at  that  end  to  occupy  the  heights  on  the  same  side 
of  the  Apache  canon,  and  to  observe  thoroughly  the  condition  of 
the  enemy’s  encampment  beneath.  Nearly  all  of  the  remainder  of 
the  command,  namely,  Companies  C,  D,  F,  G,  I and  K (some  of 
which  had  been  reduced  by  detachments  for  guard  and  other  special 
duties),  a broken  company  of  New  Mexican  volunteers,  two  small 
detachments  of  regular  cavalry,  and  two  light  batteries  of  regular 
artillery,  the  latter  being  directed  by  Captain  John  F.  Ritter  and 
Lieutenant  Ira  W.  Claflin,  in  all  not  more  than  700  men,  were 
marched  by  Colonel  Slough  to  Pigeon’s  ranch,  with  the  purpose  of 
traversing  the  pass  throughout,  if  he  should  find  that  the  invaders 
had  retired  toward  Santa  Fe.  The  Confederate  commander  during 
that  day  supposed  that  Slough’s  entire  force,  about  equal  in  num- 
ber to  his  own,  was  in  front  of  him,  as  he  had  no  knowledge  of 
Major  Chivington’s  expedition,  which  had  left  Slough  with  scarcely 
more  than  half  that  number.  Furthermore,  only  slightly  over  a 
third  of  Slough’s  officers  and  men  had  ever  been  under  fire.  A 
portion  of  them,  including  the  batteries,  had  reached  the  camp  very 
late  in  the  preceding  night,  having  traveled  thirty-five  miles  in  the 
previous  sixteen  hours,  and,  consequently,  were  greatly  fatigued, 
and  thus  ill  prepared  to  endure  the  intense  excitement  and  supreme 
exertions  that  attended  the  desperate  conflict  of  La  Glorieta. 

Beside  these  conditions  the  men  entertained  no  cordial  and  trust- 
ful feelings  toward  their  colonel,  which  was  due  to  his  habitual 
austerity  and  his  lack  of  military  experience.  In  fact,  some  of  them, 
beyond  doubt  unjustly,  suspected  his  loyalty  to  the  cause  of  the 
Union,  on  account  of  his  former  political  affiliations.  One  of  his 
captains  declared,  years  afterward : “I  watched  him  closely  during 
the  fight  at  Pigeon’s  ranch,  and  if  I had  discovered  any  movement 
or  order  of  his  intended  to  be  favorable  at  the  time  to  the  enemy, 

I would  have  shot  him  on  the  spot.”  Ovando  J.  Hollister,  an  intel- 


102 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


ligent  and  observant  private  soldier  in  the  First  Colorado,  who  kept 
a diary  while  in  the  service,  and  in  1863  published  a pamphlet,  based 
on  his  daily  notes,  containing  much  of  the  history  of  the  regiment  up 
to  that  year,  referring  to  an  incident  which  occurred  at  the  time 
the  two  divisions  of  the  regiment  were  joined  on  the  Purgatoire 
river,  on  the  march  to  Fort  Union,  says  in  his  publication : 

‘‘Our  camp  this  evening  on  the  Purgatoire,  March  7th,  augmented 
by  seven  hundred  men,  has  the  bustle  and  hum  of  a small  town. 
We  ‘fell  in'  and  gave  the  colonel  three  cheers  and  a tiger.  He 
raised  his  cap,  but  did  not  speak.  How  little  some  men  understand 
human  nature.  He  had  been  our  colonel  six  months,  had  never 
spoken  to  us,  and  on  the  eve  of  an  important  expedition,  after  a 
long  absence,  could  not  see  that  a few  words  were  indispensable  to 
a good  understanding.  He  has  a noble  appearance,  but  the  men 
seem  to  lack  confidence  in  him.  Why,  T can  not  tell— nor  can  they, 
I think.  His  aristocratic  style  savors  more  of  eastern  society  than 
of  the  free-and-easy  border,  to  which  he  should  have  become  accli- 
mated, but  that  it  is  bred  in  the  bone.” 

The  different  parts  of  Slough’s  column,  with  the  cavalry  in  ad- 
vance, and  the  supply  train  of  at  least  one  hundred  wagons  with 
their  guards  in  the  rear,  arrived  at  this  ranch  and  its  immediate 
vicinity  between  half-past  eight  and  ten  o’clock  in  the  forenoon. 
Some  of  them  were  halted  here  for  an  hour  and  a half  for  rest,  and 
others  for  a briefer  period  before  the  time  last  mentioned.  No 
apprehension  was  felt  that  the  foe  they  wished  to  encounter  was 
already  within  a short  distance  of  them.  All  of  the  companies  of 
infantry  broke  ranks  and  stacked  their  arms,  to  visit  the  wounded 
left  here  since  the  fight  in  the  Apache  canon,  and  to  fill  their  can- 
teens from  Pigeon’s  well,  as  a supply  of  water  could  not  be  obtained 
again  until  they  had  reached  the  western  end  of  the  pass.  The 
cavalry  was  sent  forward  in  the  charge  of  Captain  Gurden  Chapin, 
of  the  Seventh  United  States  Infantry,  the  assistant  adjutant-general 
under  Colonel  Slough,  with  some  pickets  ahead,  to  reconnoiter. 
Very  soon  the  latter  rushed  back  with  the  information  that  the 
Texans  in  force  were  in  a position  to  attack,  about  800  yards  in 
front,  and  hidden  in  a thick  grove.  At  once  the  bugles  sounded 
the  assembly,  men  seized  their  arms,  companies  formed  in  rank, 


THE  DECISIVE  BATTLE. 


preliminary  orders  were  issued,  but  before  arrangements  to  resist 
the  expected  onset  of  the  enemy  could  be  completed,  grape  shot  and 
shell  from  their  guns  were  crashing  through  the  tops  of  the  cotton- 
wood trees  at  the  ranch  over  the  heads  of  the  Federal  troops. 

The  battle  opened  in  a gulch,  about  half  a mile  west  of  Pigeon's 
ranch,  and  lying  between  two  moraines,  which  extend  from  the 
road  toward  the  range  of  mountains  on  the  south  side  of  the  pass. 
The  one  on  the  left  slopes  down  northward  to  the  road  from  a con- 
siderable elevation,  and  that  on  the  right  has  a comparatively  level 
top  and  runs  back  several  hundred  yards.  On  this  level  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Scurry  formed  his  first  line  of  battle,  stretching  across  the 
canon  from  near  an  arroyo  some  rods  north  of  the  road  “up  into 
the  pine  forest"  to  the  south.  Just  before  reaching  it  he  dismounted 
his  cavalry,  and  sent  the  men  into  action  on  foot.  His  artillery, 
which  was  commanded  by  Lieutenant  James  Bradford,  who  had  dis- 
tinguished himself  in  the  battle  of  Valverde,  was  ordered  to  the 
front  on  the  brow  of  this  ridge,  and  to  begin  firing  immediately 
upon  the  Federals,  who  were  advancing  rapidly  toward  the  opposite 
ridge.  The  cavalry  sent  forward  by  Colonel  Slough  to  reconnoiter 
had  already  entered  this  gulch,  and  on  discovering  the  position  of 
the  Texan  guns  the  force  was  directed  by  Captain  Charles  J. 
Walker,  in  charge  of  one  of  the  companies,  to  move  at  once  “into 
the  timber"  on  their  left,  to  dismount,  and  to  commence  “skirmish- 
ing on  foot."  They  were  soon  relieved  by  the  arrival  of  other 
troops  and  the  batteries  from  the  ranch,  and  were  stationed  on  the 
high  ridge  to  the  north  and  beyond  Pigeon's  house.  In  the  mean- 
time Colonel  Scurry  had  arranged  his  infantry  into  three  columns, 
deploying  that  on  his  right  toward  the  southern  end  of  the  ridge 
he  was  occupying,  and  placing  it  under  the  command  of  Major 
Pyron,  who  had  opened  for  the  Confederate  side  the  encounter  at 
Valverde.  Another  was  held  at  the  middle  near  the  artillery,  under 
the  charge  of  Major  Raguet,  while  the  third  was  led  by  himself  to 
the  northern  end  of  the  ridge  and  across  the  old  Santa  Fe  trail. 

The  illustrations  of  the  field  of  the  second  fight  in  La  Glorieta 
pass,  on  pages  104  and  105,  are  halves  of  one  photographic  view, 
and  represent  the  landscape  at  the  eastern  entrance  to  the  pass. 


View  of  a Part  of  the  Field  of  the  Second  Battle  in  La  Glorieta  Pass. 

(From  one  of  the  author’s  photographs.) 

The  picture  on  the  opposite  page  is  a continuation,  to  the  right,  of  this  view. 


View  of  a Part  of  the  Field  of  the  Second  Battle  in  La  Gloriota  Pass. 
(From  one  of  the  author’s  photographs.) 


106  COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 

Pigeon’s  famous  adobe  hostelry  and  its  outbuildings  appear  in  the 
left  of  the  view  on  page  105,  and  occupy  the  point  from  which  all 
of  the  movements  of  the  Federal  forces  radiated  in  the  Glorieta 
engagements.  The  Santa  Fe  Railway,  which  is  hidden  in  the  view, 
and  the  Santa  Fe  trail,  enter  the  pass  here,  the  course  of  the  latter 
past  Pigeon's  ranch  being  visible.  The  height  in  the  middle  dis- 
tance is  a part  of  the  Pecos  mesa. 

To  Lieutenant-Colonel  Tappan  was  assigned  early  in  the  day 
the  immediate  command  of  the  Colorado  volunteers  and  the  regular 
artillery  present  under  Colonel  Slough.  As  soon  as  his  men  had 
recovered  from  their  surprise  at  the  approach  and  sudden  attack  of 
the  Texan  troops,  the  following  disposition  of  them  was  at  once 
made  by  their  leader : Captain  Ritter’s  battery  of  four  guns,  sup- 
ported by  Captain  Sopris’  company  of  infantry,  was  sent  at  double- 
quick  to  take  position  on  the  road  on  the  north  of  the  open  space 
in  the  battlefield  at  the  lower  end  of  the  eastern  moraine  ; and  Lieu- 
tenant Clafiin’s  battery,  also  of  four  guns,  supported  by  Captain 
Robbins’  company,  to  be  stationed  farther  up  on  this  moraine  to 
the  south  and  among  the  trees  in  sight  of  the  enemy,  who  was 
across  the  gulch  on  its  west  side.  Captain  Downing's  company  was 
deployed  farther  to  the  south,  and  Captain  Mailie’s  company  of  Ger- 
mans, in  charge  of  Lieutenant  Charles  Kerber,  to  the  north,  in  the 
canon  arroyo  and  on  the  slope  beyond,  both  to  skirmish  from  eleva- 
tions on  the  flanks  of  the  Texans,  finding  shelter  among  the  thick 
trees.  The  other  companies  of  infantry,  with  the  cavalry,  were  re- 
tired down  the  pass,  to  be  held  as  reserves  and  to  protect  the  supply 
train  in  their  rear. 

At  once  the  fighting  along  both  lines  became  general  and  furious. 
The  discharges  of  the  artillery  seemed  incessant,  and  the  roar  of 
them  sounded  at  a distance  in  all  directions  like  a heavy  and  con- 
tinuous drumming  of  a military  band.  Many  of  the  shots  were 
imbedded  in  the  trees  between  and  around  the  opposing  batteries, 
and  the  indentations  or  scars  made  by  them  remain  to  this  day  on 
scores  of  the  pine  and  cedar  trunks  still  standing.  Occasionally 
one  of  these  was  thus  marred  on  both  sides,  being  hit  by  guns  fired 
from  both  ridges.  Grape  shot,  pieces  of  exploded  shells  and  rarely 


THE  DECISIVE  BATTLE. 


107 


a cannon  ball  may  yet  be  dug  from  the  ground  where  the  batteries 
stood,  and  in  the  immediate  vicinity.  The  commander  of  the  Texan 
artillery  was  soon  severely  wounded  and  borne  from  the  field,  his 
horses  killed,  and  his  men  retreating  in  disorder.  Upon  them  and 
the  supporting  infantry  the  minie  balls  from  the  Springfield  rifles 
in  the  unerring  hands  of  the  Colorado  skirmishers  told  with  deadly 
effect.  Suddenly  Colonel  Scurry  discovered  the  company  under 
Lieutenant  Kerber  approaching  and  passing  his  left  flank  under  the 
cover  of  an  irrigating  ditch  about  200  yards  away.  He  dashed 
with  his  column  across  a clearing  in  an  enclosed  field  and  into  the 
midst  of  these  determined  Germans,  and  with  pistol  and  machete 
in  hand  struggled  desperately  face  to  face  with  them,  who  used 
their  bayonets  vigorously,  but  who  were  forced  to  fall  hack  among 
the  bushes,  trees  and  rocks  on  the  abrupt  slope  in  the  northern  end 
of  the  main  battlefield,  leaving  behind  many  of  their  number  killed 
or  wounded.  One  of  the  dead  was  the  courageous  Lieutenant  John 
Baker,  whose  fearfully  mutilated  body  was  found  by  the  burial 
party  next  morning  stripped  of  his  clothing.  Of  him  and  the  man- 
ner of  his  death  Lieutenant-Colonel  Tappan  said  in  his  report : 

“Lieutenant  Baker  was  severely  wounded  during  the  early  part 
of  the  engagement,  and  afterward  beaten  to  death  by  the  enemy 
with  the  butt  of  a musket  or  club,  and  his  body  stripped  of  its 
clothing.  He  was  found  the  next  morning,  his  head  scarcely  recog- 
nizable. so  horribly  mangled.  He  fought  gallantly,  and  the  ven- 
geance of  the  foe  pursued  him  after  death." 

But  it  was  thought  by  some  of  his  comrades  that  this  awful  work 
was  due  to  vagabond  Mexicans  who  had  followed  the  Confederate 
forces. 

Lieutenant  Baker  had  led  the  forward  division  of  his  company 
along  the  ditch  above  mentioned,  to  a point  almost  opposite  the 
Texan  artillery  on  higher  ground  to  his  left,  and  then,  drawing  his 
sword  and  waving  it,  he  called  to  his  men : “Let's  capture  the 
guns!"  At  that  instant  he  was  struck  down.  Both  lie  and  Kerber 
had  served  in  the  regular  army  of  the  United  States,  and  with  their 
prompt  military  skill  had  brought  their  company  first  on  the  battle- 
field. 


io8 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


On  the  opposite  flank  of  the  Confederate  line.  Major  Pvron’s 
column,  evidently  reenforced  from  the  central  one,  attacked  fiercely 
Captain  Downing's  company,  pressing  it  backward  with  the  loss 
in  killed  and  wounded  of  a large  number  of  these  skirmishers.  It 
seems  that  this  company  moved  forward  in  two  lines,  and  that  one 
of  them  encountered  a masked  cannon  firing  grape  shot.  There- 
upon, the  Federal  troops,  disturbed  by  these  reverses,  realizing  that 
they  were  outnumbered  by  a determined  foe,  and  expecting  an  im- 
mediate charge  on  their  position,  fell  back  about  400  yards,  and 
formed  again  in  line  extending  along  the  rough  ledge  of  rocks 
to  the  north,  and  below  Pigeon's  house,  and  across  the  arroyo  near 
it,  and  on  the  summit  and  nearer  slope  of  the  wooded  rocky  bluff 
to  the  south — all  seen  in  the  farther  portion  of  the  view  of  the 
battleground;  and  upon  the  last  elevation  Captain  Downing’s  com- 
pany took  a new  position.  On  its  top  or  western  slope  Lieutenant 
Claflin’s  battery  was  stationed.  In  front  of  it  Captain  Ritter’s  bat- 
tery was  first  placed,  but  soon  afterwards  removed  to  the  north 
into  the  road.  His  support  was  still  the  company  of  Captain  Sopris, 
who  was  joined  by  Captain  W.  F.  Wilder  and  his  men,  thus  far 
held  in  the  rear  among  the  reserves.  The  shattered  company  of 
Captain  Kerber,  assisted  by  that  of  the  cavalry  under  the  command 
of  Captain  Walker,  occupied  the  extreme  northern  flank  of  the  line 
near  its  former  position. 

As  soon  as  Colonel  Slough’s  forces  had  vacated  the  ridge  on  the 
eastern  side  of  the  gulch,  it  was  taken  by  the  Texans,  who  planted 
their  artillery  on  it,  and  again  opened  fire  on  the  Federals,  whose 
batteries  responded  with  spirit  and  effectiveness.  The  cannonading 
lasted  three  hours,  and  its  reverberations  from  the  high  slopes  of 
the  canon  and  from  distant  mesas  were  terrific.  Many  trees  beyond 
the  open  space  in  the  battlefield,  and  particularly  in  the  defile  to 
the  east,  showed  for  years  the  marks  of  balls,  exploding  shells  and 
canister.  A gun  of  the  Texans  was  dismounted  by  a solid  shot 
striking  it  in  the  muzzle,  and  another  was  disabled  and  its  limber 
box  blown  to  pieces  by  a case  shot  from  one  of  Ritter's  6-pounders. 
Companies  D and  I had  picked  off  most  of  the  gunners,  “and  if 
there  had  been  anybody  to  support  Captain  Downing  they  never 


THE  DECISIVE  BATTLE. 


109 


would  have  taken  their  artillery  from  the  field.”  Thus  the  Confed- 
erates were  compelled  to  rely  mainly  upon  their  infantry  and  dis- 
mounted cavalry  in  continuing  the  engagement,  and  could  hope  to 
succeed  in  reaching  and  breaking  the  line  of  the  Federals  only  by 
bold  and  repeated  charges  upon  different  points  of  it.  Colonel 
Slough,  apprehending  that  this  plan  would  he  adopted,  withdrew  a 
considerable  portion  of  Ritter’s 
supports,  sending  a platoon  of 
them  to  the  assistance  of  Lieuten- 
ant Kerber  and  Captain  Walker 
to  act  as  skirmishers  on  his  right, 
and  the  rest  to  strengthen  the  op- 
posite flank.  The  latter  were  sta- 
tioned along  the  bluff  occupied  by 
Claflin's  battery  and  his  supports, 
and  farther  to  the  south  on  the 
higher  ground,  where  now  runs 
the  railroad.  This  movement  was 
made  to  prevent  the  enemy  dash- 
ing past  this  bluff  in  that  direc- 
tion, and  attacking  and  destroy- 


ing the  wagon  train  along  the 
Santa  Fe  trail  a short  distance  in 


Captain  Jacob  Downing. 

(From  a war-time  photograph  loaned  by 
him.) 

On  November  1,  1862,  he  was  promoted 
Major  of  his  regiment  in  recognition 
of  his  gallant  services  in  the  New  Mex- 
ico campaign.  He  is  still  a citizen  of 
Denver. 


the  rear. 

By  this  time  Colonel  Scurry 
had  been  reenforced  by  two  com- 
panies of  fresh  troops — perhaps  125  men.  He  skillfully  rearranged 
his  line  for  another  assault,  again  in  three  divisions  on  the  ridge 
he  had  just  taken.  While  waiting  to  ascertain  the  exact  positions 
held  the  second  time  by  the  Federals  under  the  cover  of  trees,  be- 
hind a long  adobe  wall,  beyond  a rocky  precipice,  and  over  the  top 
of  the  bluff  south  of  the  ranch,  he  dispatched  several  squads  of 
men,  one  of  them  clothed  in  the  uniform  of  the  Colorado  infantry, 
to  approach  this  force  at  different  points,  whose  fire  they  would 
thus  draw  upon  themselves.  They  were  easily  driven  back.  There- 
upon, he  ordered  the  division  under  Major  John  S.  Shropshire  to 
advance  “among  the  pines 


and  vigorously  attack  the  southern 


I IO 


COI.ORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


wing  of  Colonel  Slough's  army.  Perceiving  a delay  in  this  onset, 
he  left  his  column  at  the  center,  and  on  reaching  these  troops  he 
discovered  that  the  major  had  been  killed  before  they  could  be 
moved  forward.  It  happened  that  a portion  of  Captain  Cook’s  gal- 
lant company,  in  the  charge  of  Lieutenant  Wilson,  was  directly  in 
front  of  this  movement,  and  that  a private  by  the  name  of  George 
W.  Pierce  had  darted  from  its  ranks,  shot  and  disarmed  Major 
Shropshire  at  the  head  of  his  battalion,  and  taken  prisoner  Captain 
D.  W.  Shannon  near  his  side.  Scurry  at  once  assumed  the  com- 
mand and  ordered  a charge  by  the  whole  body,  but  he  met  with 
such  a spirited  resistance  from  the  Federal  skirmishers  that  he  re- 
tired. Joined  by  his  own  men  from  the  center,  he  renewed  the 
charge  farther  down  the  field  toward  the  road,  and  was  again  re- 
pulsed by  the  same  skirmishers,  assisted  by  the  artillery  in  their  rear 
and  by  its  supports.  During  these  charges  Lieutenant-Colonel  Tap- 
pan,  of  the  Colorado  volunteers,  sat  on  his  horse  as  coolly  “loading 
and  firing  his  pistols  as  if  rabbit  hunting."  In  the  ground  where 
these  struggles  occurred  a great  many  rifle  balls  were  embedded 
and  found  long  afterward. 

Majors  Raguet  and  Pyron  were  sent  with  their  commands  to  the 
north  across  the  arroyo,  up  the  rugged  slope,  and  onto  the  summit 
of  the  low  mountain  range  that  bounds  the  battlefield  in  that  direc- 
tion. Colonel  Slough  had  anticipated  this  movement  and  a subse- 
quent one  of  the  Texans  against  his  position  at  the  ranch,  and  he 
had  strengthened  his  right  flank  and  his  center  by  directing  other 
platoons  of  his  infantry  to  defend  the  former,  and  by  restationing 
his  batteries  where  they  could  do  better  execution  in  the  latter. 
Captain  Ritter  left  the  road  in  front  of  the  ranch  and  crossed  the 
arroyo  to  the  opposite  side  of  the  narrow  gorge.  Previous  to  this 
change  he  had  lost  two  trusted  lieutenants  who  had  been  associated 
with  him — Peter  McGrath,  of  the  regular  cavalry,  and  Clark  Cham- 
bers, of  Company  C,  First  Colorado,  who  was  shot  in  the  shoulder 
and  in  the  thigh,  and  who  died  of  his  wounds  after  having  lingered 
about  a year.  Lieutenant  Claflin  descended  the  bluff  on  the  south 
and  arranged  his  mountain  howitzers  near  Ritter's  guns.  Two 
braver  and  more  efficient  officers  in  charge  of  artillery  never  fought 


THE  DECISIVE  BATTLE. 


Ill 


in  the  American  army.  The  troops  under  Raguet  and  Pyron  began 
at  once,  from  their  superior  position,  a furious  and  steady  onslaught, 
with  their  rifles  and  heavy  double-barreled  shot  guns,  and  then 
rushed  forward,  dodging  from  tree  to  tree  and  from  rock  to  rock, 
until  they  came  into  close  quarters  with  the  Federals,  who,  deliver- 
ing volley  after  volley,  yielded  the  ground  only  inch  by  inch,  as 
they  were  pushed  back  onto  the  ledge  of  rocks  that' extends  north- 
ward from  the  ranch.  So  near  together  were  these  contending 
ranks  at  times  that  ‘‘the  muzzles  of  their  guns  passed  by  each  other 
over  the  top  of  the  loosened  rocks,”  and  some  of  them  shot  at  each 
other  from  opposite  sides  of  the  same  clump  of  cedar  bushes. 

Colonel  Scurry,  aware  of  the  decisive  advantage  he  had  gained 
by  this  contest  of  his  left  flank,  quickly  united  with  it,  near  the 
middle  of  the  afternoon,  his  main  forces  from  the  right  and  the 
center  of  his  line.  They  made  their  stand  at  first  in  the  road  and 
immediately  across  the  arroyo,  some  300  yards  west  of  the  ranch. 
His  aim  was  to  capture  the  Federal  batteries  in  the  gorge  in  front 
of  him,  and  to  drive  the  Federal  skirmishers  from  the  ledges  to 
which  they  had  retired  shortly  before.  He  issued  his  commands 
with  great  energy,  an  exceedingly  resonant  voice,  and  a clear  un- 
derstanding of  the  difficulties  to  be  overcome.  He  mingled  with 
his  troops,  animating  them  to  engage  in  the  final  and  desperate 
encounter  of  the  day.  Raguet  and  Pyron  moved  about  everywhere 
among  them,  inspiring  the  rank  and  file  to  deeds  of  daring  and  re- 
nown. Possibly  the  fate  of  the  whole  campaign,  embracing  their 
weary  march  from  their  distant  homes  and  their  invaluable  con- 
quests in  the  Rio  Grande  valley,  depended  upon  the  results  achieved 
in  the  next  three  hours.  Officers  and  men  responded  with  alacrity 
and  grim  determination.  With  the  brim  of  their  slouched  hats  fall- 
ing over  their  foreheads,  and  with  deafening  yells,  they  charged 
impetuously  down  the  road  and  its  sides  toward  Ritter’s  and  Claf- 
lin’s  batteries,  but  were  checked  before  reaching  these  by  grape  shot, 
canister  and  exploding  shells,  and  by  the  galling  fire  of  the  infantry 
in  the  gorge  and  on  the  opposite  elevations.  Five  times  they 
attempted  the  assault  upon  this  position  of  the  Federals,  and  as 
many  times  they  were  repulsed.  In  an  interval  between  two  of 


t 12 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


these,  a German  officer  in  the  Colorado  volunteers  shouted  in  broken 
but  emphatic  English  to  his  men  standing  in  a huddle  near  the  artil- 
lery: “Poys,  lay  down  flat  dere ; does  you  vant  to  go  died?”  In 
at  least  two  of  these  charges  the  Texans  advanced  to  within  forty 
or  fifty  steps  of  the  guns.  Then  Claflin  ordered  his  men  to  cease 
firing,  and  his  supports,  rising  from  the  ground  and  running  for- 
ward, shot  their  deadly  rifle  bullets  fairly  into  the  faces  of  the 
approaching  enemy,  and  dashed  in  close  rank  into  the  wavering- 
column,  scattering  it  in  great  disorder.  The  fighting  here  was  most 
deadly,  the  hottest  that  any  of  these  soldiers  had  yet  witnessed,  and 
in  it  the  Texans  suffered  severely.  The  accomplished  Raguet,  the 
chivalrous  Captain  Charles  Buckholts  and  the  brave  Lieutenant 
Charles  H.  Mills  fell  near  the  same  time.  Colonel  Scurry,  who  won 
the  undisguised  admiration  of  the  Colorado  volunteers  for  his  mag- 
nificent courage  and  intrepid  leadership,  had  some  narrow  escapes. 
On  March  30th,  when  he  said  “I  do  not  know  if  1 write  intelli- 
gently, for  I have  not  slept  for  three  nights  and  can  scarcely  hold 
my  eyes  open,”  he  reported  the  battle  to  General  Sibley,  who  was 
then  on  his  way  from  Albuquerque  to  Santa  Fe.  After  referring  to 
the  death  of  Raguet  and  other  officers,  he  went  on  to  say:  “Major 
Pyron  had  his  horse  shot  under  him,  and  my  own  cheek  was  twice 
brushed  by  a minie  ball,  each  time  just  drawing  blood,  and  my 
clothes  torn  in  two  places.  I mention  this  simply  to  show  how  hot 
was  the  fire  of  the  enemy  when  all  of  the  field  officers  upon  the 
ground  were  either  killed  or  touched.”  In  another  report  he  said 
the  ‘“conflict  was  terrible,”  and  that  the  men  who  opposed  him  were 
“the  flower  of  the  U.  S.  army.” 

A pathetic  incident  occurred  in  the  Federal  ranks  in  connection 
with  the  death  of  Major  Raguet.  A full-grown  boy,  just  reaching 
young  manhood,  belonged  to  the  Colorado  volunteers.  Early  in 
the  forenoon  he  said  to  Captain  Downing:  “I  dreamed  last  night 
that  I was  shot  through  my  heart  in  a battle  to-day,  and  1 believe 
it  will  come  true.”  The  captain  cheerfully  told  him:  “You  have  a 
mere  fancy,  produced  by  a bad  dream,  and  you  should  give  no  heed 
to  it.”  During  the  engagement  he  detailed  the  youth  with  others 
to  conduct  some  prisoners  back  to  the  camp  at  Kozlowski’s,  and  did 


(From  a Military  Map  issued  by  the  War  Department  in  1867,  in  the  State  Historical 
and  Natural  History  Society’s  collection,  i 

The  star  (here  added  to  the  map)  near  the  lower  left-hand  corner  marks  the  locality 

of  La  Glorieta  Pass. 


S 


I 14  COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 

not  expect  him  to  return  to  the  battlefield.  What  was  the  captain's 
surprise  to  find  him  late  in  the  afternoon  in  his  old  place  among  the 
men  on  a bluff  at  Pigeon’s  ranch!  It  was  remarked  to  him:  “If 
you  still  want  to  engage  in  the  fight,  take  a rifle  and  see  if  you 
can  hit  that  Confederate  officer  on  horseback.’’  The  officer  was 
about  forty  rods  away  in  the  field.  The  boy  took  deliberate  aim 
and  fired  his  gun,  and  Major  Raguet  fell  from  the  saddle  mortally 
wounded.  A Texan  sharpshooter,  observing  this  action,  instantly 
discharged  at  the  boy  a rifle  bullet,  which,  striking  his  gun,  glanced 
from  it  and  pierced  his  heart.  Turning  to  the  captain  at  his  side, 
he  gasped : “I  told  you  something  would  happen.” 

While  this  fight  was  in  progress  a detachment  of  Scurry’s  com- 
mand gained  possession  of  the  ledges  to  the  north,  and  poured  a 
destructive  fusillade  info  that  side  of  the  Federal  batteries.  These 
with  the  infantry  withdrew  in  good  order  down  the  canon  to  the 
rear  of  the  open  field  beyond  the  ranch,  and  there  formed  their 
third  position  in  the  battle.  The  supply  train  was  forty  yards  to 
their  left.  Captain  Downing  was  among  the  last  to  leave  his  place 
on  the  bluff  at  the  gorge,  and  to  join  in  the  new  line  of  defense. 
Here  the  Texans  made  another,  and  their  last,  charge  upon  these 
batteries,  and  endeavored  to  reach  the  train,  but  they  were  again 
driven  back  with  loss  and  in  confusion. 

Soon  after  five  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  Colonel  Slough  ordered 
his  forces  to  abandon  this  position  and  return  to  their  camp  at 
Kozlowski’s.  This  was  effected  by  the  pieces  of  artillery  and  the 
wagons,  well  guarded,  withdrawing  one  after  the  other.  The  men 
were  enraged  by  this  movement,  and  vigorously  upbraided  their 
commander,  for  they  were  eager  to  move  upon  the  Confederates 
and  complete  the  work  of  the  day,  either  by  forcing  a surrender  or 
starting  them  upon  a retreat  toward  Santa  Fe.  But  to  Colonel 
Slough  the  object  of  the  reconnoissance  in  force,  “to  annoy  and 
harass  the  enemy,”  had  been  accomplished.  It  seems  that  Ritter’s 
battery  remained,  in  the  last  position  where  it  had  been  stationed, 
for  some  time  after  the  order  to  fall  back  upon  the  camp  had  passed 
along  the  line.  On  Captain  Downing  then  approaching  him,  he 
said : “Captain,  you  are  the  only  ranking  officer  left  on  the  field. 


THE  DECISIVE  BATTLE. 


115 

What  are  your  orders  to  me?”  The  quick  reply  was:  “Double- 
shot your  grins  and  keep  on  firing.”  Finding  that  he  was  not  prop- 
erly supported.  Captain  Ritter  began  to  prepare  soon  after  for  draw- 
ing the  battery  off  the  field  in  the  direction  of  the  camp. 

Just  at  that  time  an  ambulance  bearing  a flag  of  truce  was  driven 
down  the  road  from  the  west.  On  reaching  Captains  Downing  and 
Ritter  there  alighted  from  it  the  assistant  adjutant-general  of  Sib- 
ley's brigade — Major  Alexander  M.  Jackson,  the  former  secretary 
of  New  Mexico,  an  ardent  secessionist,  a personal  friend  of  Presi- 
dent Davis  of  the  Confederacy,  one  of  the  chief  instigators  of  Gen- 
eral Sibley’s  invasion  of  the  territory,  and  doubtless  the  one  on 
whom  the  responsibility  for  it  mainly  rested.  He  asked  for  a sus- 
pension of  hostilities  until  noon  of  the  following  day,  in  order  that 
his  wounded  could  be  cared  for  and  his  dead  buried.  He  was  thrust 
back  into  his  conveyance,  and  directed  by  Captain  Downing  to  pro- 
ceed blindfolded  toward  Kozlowski’s.  He  did  so,  and  met  Colonel 
Slough,  who  granted  his  request,  the  armistice  being  subsequently 
extended  to  the  morning  of  the  second  day.  In  fact,  the  troops 
under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Scurry  were  so  exhausted  and  crippled 
by  the  struggle  through  which  they  had  passed  that  they  could  not 
further  continue  the  fighting  at  that  juncture.  The  battle  had  lasted 
without  interruption  at  least  seven  hours,  and  since  early  morning 
neither  army  had  had  any  opportunity  to  rest  and  take  refreshment. 

In  the  meantime,  and  unknown  to  Colonel  Slough  at  the  time 
the  armistice  was  agreed  to.  a crushing  disaster  had  been  inflicted 
upon  Colonel  Scurry’s  resources  by  the  column  under  Major  Chiv- 
ington,  which  had  been  dispatched  in  the  morning  to  the  western 
end  of  the  pass.  This  force  was  composed  of  the  following  named 
organizations:  Captain  W.  H.  Lewis’  battalion  (regulars),  with 
Captain  A.  B.  Carey  assisting  him  in  command,  consisting  of  sixty 
men;  Companies  A and  G,  Fifth  Regular  Infantry,  in  charge  of 
Lieutenants  Barr  and  Norvell ; Company  B,  First  regiment  Colo- 
rado Volunteers,  seventy-eight  men,  in  charge  of  Captain  Samuel 
M.  Logan  and  Lieutenant  Jacobs:  Ford's  independent  company  of 
Colorado  Volunteers,  in  charge  of  Captain  James  H.  Ford  and  Lieu- 
tenant DeForrest;  Captain  E.  W.  Wynkoop’s  battalion,  consisting 


I 1 6 COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 

of  Company  A,  First  Colorado,  sixty-eight  men,  under  Lieutenant 
Shaffer;  Company  E,  First  Colorado,  seventy-one  men,  under  Cap- 
tain Scott  J.  Anthony  and  Lieutenant  Dawson,  and  Company  H, 
First  Colorado,  about  eighty  men,  under  Captain  George  L.  San- 
born and  Lieutenant  Sanford;  in  all,  “about  430  officers  and  picked 
men."  Lieutenant-Colonel  Manvel  Chavis,  of  the  New  .Mexico  Vol- 
unteers, was  selected  as  the  guide,  and  it  was  expected  that  the 
reconnoissance  around  over  the  mountains  to  Johnson’s  ranch  would 
be  exceedingly  toilsome  and  dangerous.  Colonel  Chavis  was  a 
member  of  an  old  and  distinguished  Mexican  family  in  the  terri- 
tory; had  taken  part  in  the  Mexican  War  with  Governor  Gilpin 
of  Colorado ; had  won  honors  in  skirmishes  with  the  Apache  In- 
dians; had  fought  under  Colonel  Canby  at  Valverde,  and  was  a 
brave,  loyal  and  skillful  officer. 

This  column  marched  past  the  ruins  of  the  Pecos  pueblo,  and 
left  the  main  road  about  a mile  to  the  west,  where  a trail  branches 
off  and  goes  through  the  San  Cristobal  canon  to  Galisteo.  While 
following  this  for  eight  miles  the  troops  heard  the  discharges  of  the 
artillery  at  Pigeon’s  ranch,  and  knew  that  fighting  had  begun  there 
in  earnest.  A mounted  company  was  sent  to  scout  in  that  direc- 
tion, in  order  to  warn  them,  if  necessary,  after  they  had  left  the 
Galisteo  trail  and  turned  to  the  right  toward  Johnson’s  ranch,  of 
the  approach  of  any  Confederate  force  in  their  rear.  Leaving  this 
trail,  they  made  their  way  eight  miles  farther,  over  rocks,  up  steep 
ascents,  and  through  dense  thickets  of  scrub  pihon  and  cedar  bushes, 
to  the  crest  of  a mountain  that  immediately  overlooked  the  Texan 
encampment.  Here  they  arrived  between  one  and  two  o’clock  in 
the  afternoon,  having  been  five  hours  on  the  march,  and  here  they 
captured  a sentinel,  who  had  been  stationed  on  this  height  by 
Colonel  Scurry.  Colonel  Chavis,  looking  down  more  than  a thou- 
sand feet  on  the  camp,  with  its  accessories,  and  the  troops  and  team- 
sters in  charge  of  it — about  250  men,  all  told — remarked  to  Major 
Chivington : “You  are  right  on  top  of  them.’’  An  hour  was  spent 
in  carefully  examining  the  situation  below,  and  wholly  unobserved 
by  the  enemy.  The  ranch  house  was  in  plain  view,  as  were  the 
adobe  huts  near  it,  the  road  leading  from  the  canon  just  north  of 


(From  ono  of  the  author’s  photographs.) 


1 I S COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 

them  to  Santa  Fe,  the  ravines  reaching  out  to  the  right  and  to  the 
left,  the  abrupt  knolls  in  different  places,  a mounted  cannon  on  the 
highest  of  these,  the  wagons  and  some  draft  animals  in  a group 
at  the  center,  and  the  soldiers  leisurely  moving  about. 

The  illustration,  showing  the  mountainside  descended  by  Major 
Chivington’s  force  when  the  camp  was  attacked,  was  taken  from 
the  summit  of  an  oblong  knoll  rising  fully  1 50  feet,  between  which 
and  the  mountains  is  a deep  and  very  narrow  defile.  Through  this 
defile  runs  the  track  of  the  Santa  Fe  Railway,  and  in  it  lies  some- 
what hidden  the  base  of  the  highest  mountain.  Immediately  to  the 
left  of  the  lower  one,  which  is  partially  seen  in  the  view,  is  the 
western  opening  of  La  Glorieta  pass.  It  was  upon  the  summit  of 
the  central  mountain  that  Major  Chivington  made  his  observations, 
and  it  was  down  the  steep  slope  of  that  mountain  that  he  led  his 
men  upon  the  unsuspecting  guardians  of  the  camp. 

Flaving  satisfied  himself  that  no  formidable  difficulty  existed  to 
prevent  an  attack  upon  the  encampment,  he  gave  the  order  to  his 
men:  “In  single  file,  double-quick,  charge!”  Instantly  they  were 
on  the  brow  of  the  steep  cliff,  and  soon  on  their  way  down  it,  being- 
lowered  at  first  by  ropes,  leathern  straps,  and  by  holding  on  with 
their  guns  and  to  each  other,  and  at  length,  by  crawling,  sliding 
and  leaping  down  the  lower  half  of  the  slope,  they  reached  the  bot- 
tom. When  they  had  completed  a fourth  of  their  descent,  the  crash- 
ing of  loosened  rocks  down  the  precipice  and  among  the  small  trees 
aroused  the  attention  of  the  troops  in  the  camp.  Soon  eight  gun- 
ners on  the  knoll  began  firing  shots  from  their  6-pounder  into  the 
descending  and  scattered  companies,  but  without  effect.  Chiving- 
ton’s men,  yelling  and  whooping  like  wild  Indians,  were  not  long 
in  reaching  the  base  of  the  mountain,  where  they  formed  themselves 
again  into  ranks.  At  once  some  of  the  frightened  teamsters  and 
infantrymen  on  guard  seized  the  horses  and  mules  at  hand,  and 
scampered  away  and  disappeared  up  the  road  toward  Santa  Fe, 
while  many  others  retreated  at  double-quick  into  the  canon  running 
eastward.  It  is  not  difficult  to  account  for  the  almost  defenseless 
condition  of  the  encampment.  The  Hank  movement  of  Major  Chiv- 
ington’s troops  was  not  anticipated  in  the  least  by  Colonel  Scurry. 


THE  DECISIVE  BATTLE.  I IC)^ 

c 

Beside,  when  he  left  in  the  morning,  he  detached  a much  larger 
force  to  protect  his  supplies  and  animals  here  than  the  one  found 
by  the  Federals  upon  their  arrival.  The  writer  while  in  New 
Mexico  was  told  by  a Texas  captain,  past  middle  age,  that  he  was 
placed  in  command  of  this  camp  on  the  departure  of  Scurry,  and 
that  two  companies  of  Germans  were,  with  others,  assigned  him  to 
care  for  its  valuable  stores  and  other  property.  These  Germans,  on 
hearing  the  booming  of  the  cannon  at  Pigeon's  ranch,  declared 
that  they  had  “enlisted  to  get  glory  by  fighting,  and  not  in  guarding 
mules  and  provisions.”  It  was  impossible  for  him  to  restrain  them, 
and  so,  breaking  away  from  their  comrades,  they  hastened  through 
the  canon  and  joined  the  other  troops  on  the  field  of  battle.  These 
were  the  reenforcements  that  Colonel  Scurry  received  about  the 
middle  of  the  afternoon. 

Ala j or  Chivington,  not  aware  of  the  small  number  of  men  at  the 
camp,  and  fearing  an  ambuscade,  arranged  at  first  his  companies 
in  order  of  battle  near  the  ranch,  and  had  them  march  and  counter- 
march so  as  to  be  ready  to  resist  an  attack,  if  such  should  be 
attempted  by  any  force  concealed  somewhere  in  the  vicinity.  He 
soon  learned  that  there  was  no  ground  for  his  fears.  Then  Captain 
Wynkoop  was  dispatched  with  thirty  of  his  men,  under  an  order 
to  silence  the  gun  on  the  high  knoll,  the  discharges  of  which  thus 
far  had  proved  harmless.  In  closer  quarters,  however,  the  gun 
might  be  destructive.  Three  of  those  handling  it  were  instantly 
killed,  and  several  were  wounded,  by  a single  volley  from  the  rifles 
of  Wynkoop’s  men.  Major  Chivington  then  divided  his  troops 
into  two  columns,  one  directed  to  take  possession  of  the  knoll  and 
to  capture  the  piece  of  artillery  on  its  top,  and  the  other  to  capture 
and  hold  the  supply  train  in  the  corral.  The  first  of  these  move- 
ments, the  more  daangerous  one,  was  executed  under  the  charge  of 
Captain  Lewis.  Assisted  by  Lieutenant  B.  N.  Sanford,  of  Captain 
George  L.  Sanborn’s  company,  he  ascended  this  knoll,  spiked  the 
cannon  with  a steel  ramrod,  jammed  a 6-pound  iron  ball  into  its 
muzzle,  and  tumbled  the  carriage  upon  which  it  was  mounted  down 
the  eastern  side  of  the  knoll,  smashing  the  wheels  into  pieces. 
Beside  this,  they  set  fire  to  a quantity  of  ammunition  designed  for 


120 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


this  gun  and  hidden,  a limber  box,  covered  over  with  brush  and 
dirt,  in  a small  gully  on  the  opposite  side  of  this  knoll.  In  this 
exploit  the  lieutenant  came  dangerously  near  losing  his  life.  They 
also  searched  the  buildings  and  the  ravines  roundabout  for  concealed 
Texans,  of  whom  they  made  prisoners  of  several. 

The  other  column  charged  upon  and  surrounded  the  wagon  train, 
meeting  with  no  serious  opposition.  It  consisted  of  heavily  loaded 
wagons,  more  often  estimated  to  be  seventy-three  in  number.  In 
them  were  ammunition,  subsistence,  forage,  baggage,  officers’  cloth- 
ing, medical  and  surgical  stores — all  of  the  equipage  and  other  nec- 
essary supplies  for  a small  army  in  camp  and  on  the  march.  Under 
the  circumstances,  nothing  from  this  great  quantity  of  stores  could 
well  be  conveyed  away  by  the  captors.  To  destroy  them  utterly, 
so  that  they  could  not  be  used  by  the  invaders,  was  considered  the 
only  course  left  to  be  pursued.  All  of  the  wagons,  most  of  them 
hastily  overturned,  were  burned  with  their  entire  contents.  In  one 
case  bacon  and  cavalry  saddles  had  been  piled  upon  boxes  of  powder, 
and  the  explosion  of  the  latter  sent  portions  of  both  the  former 
about  200  feet  up  into  the  air.  In  another  instance  the  ammunition 
exploded  in  the  midst  of  burning  other  articles,  severely  wounding 
Private  Ritter,  of  Wynkoop’s  company — the  only  man  hurt  in  the 
expedition.  All  of  the  materials  belonging  to  the  wagons,  except 
their  iron  work,  were  consumed.  Some  extracts  from  a letter  writ- 
ten by  one  of  General  Sibley’s  men  to  his  wife  have  appeared  on 
a preceding  page.  In  referring  to  the  destruction  of  the  wagon 
train,  he  says : “Our  whole  train  of  eighty-five  wagons  was  burned 
by  the  enemy.  In  one  of  these  was  that  trunk  of  clothing  you  sent 
me  at  Fort  Fillmore.  It  was  burned  with  the  rest.”  He  was  com- 
pelled to  rely  upon  the  charity  of  those  who  held  him  as  a prisoner 
for  his  needed  apparel  in  the  succeeding  months  of  his  stay  in  the 
territory.  While  the  troops  were  watching  the  smoldering  ruins 
of  the  train,  a Confederate  messenger  on  horseback  dashed  out  of 
the  ravine  back  of  the  ranch  house,  turned  suddenly  into  the  mouth 
of  the  canon,  and  rode  at  the  top  of  his  horse’s  speed  toward 
Pigeon’s  ranch,  where  the  fighting  between  the  forces  of  Slough 
and  Scurry  was  still  raging.  It  is  very  probable  that  the  informa- 


THE  DECISIVE  BATTLE. 


1 2 I 


tion  he  gave  to  Colonel  Scurry  occasioned  the  sending  of  the  flag 
of  truce  to  Colonel  Slough  just  before  nightfall  that  day. 

There  remained  another  serious  damage  to  be  inflicted  upon  the 
property  of  the  Confederates  in  the  camp — all  that  was  left  of  any 
value.  The  animals — horses  and  mules — ridden  here  by  officers 
and  some  of  the  privates  of  the  army  were  found  corraled  in  an 


Main  Building-  and  Corral  at  Johnson’s  Ranch,  Where  the  Confederate  Encampment 
and  Wagon-Train  Were  Destroyed  by  Major  Chivington’s  Detachment. 

(From  one  of  the  author’s  photographs.) 

arm  of  a deep  ravine  about  half  a mile  away.  Estimates  of  their 
number  varied  considerably,  but  the  most  trustworthy  made  it  be- 
tween 500  and  600.  They  could  not  be  removed  over  the  moun- 
tains to  the  Federal  camp,  and  so  they  were  all  bayoneted.  A soldier 
who  was  present  said  of  this : “It  seemed  a pity  to  kill  them,  but 
we  could  do  nothing  else  with  them."  If  permitted  to  live,  they 
would  be  used  by  their  owners  in  protracting  the  campaign.  As  to 
this  loss  of  the  Texans,  the  writer  of  the  letter  from  which  I have 
heretofore  quoted  remarked : “It  went  hard  with  the  boys  to  walk, 
as  we  were  all  well  mounted  when  we  came  to  this  country.”  Five 
Union  soldiers  who  had  been  captured  by  Scurry  and  sent  to  the 


[22 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


camp  as  prisoners  were  released  by  Chivington’s  force.  They  gave 
a doleful  account,  colored  by  its  consequences  to  them,  of  the  state 
of  affairs  back  at  Pigeon's  ranch.  Seventeen  Confederates,  two  of 
them  being  officers,  were  captured  by  Chivington's  troops  and  taken 
away  prisoners.  A rumor  prevailed  among  the  Federals  before 
they  left  the  wrecked  camp  that  a heavy  reenforcement,  then  due, 
was  rapidly  approaching  from  Galisteo,  the  former  encampment  of 
the  Confederates,  and,  therefore,  it  was  decided  not  to  march  back 
to  Kozlowski’s  by  way  of  the  pass,  but  by  the  route  they  had  fol- 
lowed in  coming,  and  thus  to  avoid  the  danger  of  being  caught  in 
a trap  between  two  divisions  of  the  enemy. 

It  was  almost  night  when  this  force  on  the  return  had  climbed 
to  the  summit  of  the  mountain,  the  precipitous  slope  of  which  had 
been  descended  only  a few  hours  before.  On  the  way  up  it  was 
noticed  that  four  wagons,  filled  with  military  stores,  were  hidden 
behind  a knoll  outside  of  the  main  camp,  and  had  been  overlooked 
in  the  work  of  destruction.  Pour  men  volunteered  to  go  back  and 
burn  them,  and  accomplished  their  task  within  an  hour. 

Major  Chivington  on  this  summit  was  met  by  a lieutenant  with 
orders  from  Colonel  Slough  to  hasten  back  with  his  command  to 
Camp  Lewis  at  Kozlowski’s,  and  to  unite  them  with  the  division 
which  had  withdrawn  from  Pigeon’s  ranch  that  evening.  Some 
time  was  spent  in  parleying  as  to  what  route  should  be  taken. 
Colonel  Chavis  was  unwilling  to  take  the  responsibility  of  serving 
as  guide  on  any  way  other  than  the  one  followed  in  coming.  At 
this  point  in  the  deliberation,  a Mexican  Catholic  priest  on  a milk- 
white  horse,  and  who  is  now  known  to  have  been  Padre  Ortiz,  from 
a small  hamlet  near  the  Pecos  ruin,  rode  into  their  midst  and  saluted 
the  officers  in  Spanish.  He  offered  to  lead  them  to  their  camp 
over  the  mountains  alongside  the  pass  and  by  a shorter  course,  and 
warned  them  that  if  they  returned  by  the  old  trail  they  would 
doubtless  meet  with  some  of  Scurry’s  troops,  and  have  trouble  in 
the  night.  Chavis  was  acquainted  with  this  priest,  understood  what 
he  said,  and  advised  Chivington  to  accept  his  services.  In  intense 
darkness,  over  steep  ridges,  through  narrow  defiles,  and  along  a 
pathless  route,  he  conducted  the  column  in  safety  to  the  main  road 


THE  DECISIVE  BATTLE. 


I23r 

near  the  old  Pecos  pueblo,  where  the  troops  had  turned  into  the 
Galisteo  trail  in  the  morning.  Somewhere  near  this  place  they 
halted,  fearing  that  the  enemy  might  be  in  the  vicinity  and  would 
attack  them  under  the  cover  of  the  night.  But  they  remained  here 
only  a few  minutes,  having  failed  to  discover  any  cause  for  alarm. 
Soon  after,  by  ten  o'clock,  Chivington’s  force,  weary,  suffering 
intensely  from  thirst,  and  apprehensive  that  the  events  of  the  day 
at  Pigeon's  ranch  had  resulted  disastrously  to  the  other  division, 
rejoined  their  comrades  from  whom  they  had  separated  in  the 
morning,  who  joyously  welcomed  the  victors  and  eagerly  listened 
to  the  account  of  their  achievements. 

Valle,  the  “Pigeon”  of  the  noted  ranch,  was  an  eye-witness  of 
the  battle  fought  on  and  around  his  property,  and  excitedly,  but 
briefly,  described  it  thus:  “Ze  Tex  malms  coom  oop  und  zoorbrize 
zem  [the  Federals]  und  zay  foight  zeex  'ourz  by  rny  vatch ; und 
ze  vatch  vas  zlow.” 

Available  official  and  other  reports  of  the  losses  by  both  Union 
and  Confederate  forces  in  the  two  engagements  in  La  Glorieta  pass 
— which  really  constituted  one  battle — are,  as  to  the  former,  to  some 
extent  conflicting,  and  as  to  the  latter  greatly  at  variance.  The 
killed  and  wounded  on  the  Union  side  evidently  exceeded  the  num- 
ber stated  in  the  official  reports.  Before  he  slept,  after  the  fight 
in  x\pache  canon,  Major  Chivington  wrote  his  report  of  that  affair 
to  “Brig.  Gen.  [Colonel]  E.  R.  S.  Canby,”  in  which  he  said  “our 
loss  was  five  killed  and  fourteen  wounded.”  Colonel  Slough,  in 
reporting  the  second  conflict  to  Colonel  Canby,  under  date  March 
29th,  gave  his  loss  in  killed  as  “probably  twenty ; in  wounded  prob- 
ably fifty.”  In  his  report  of  March  30th,  to  the  adjutant-general 
of  the  army,  at  Washington,  of  the  second  battle,  he  made  this 
statement:  “Our  loss  is  not  great.  We  have  1 officer  (Lieutenant 
Baker,  Colorado  Volunters)  killed,  and  2 (Lieutenant  McGrath, 
United  States  army,  and  Lieutenant  Chambers,  Colorado  Volun- 
teers) wounded;  28  men  killed  and  40  wounded.  We  lost  some 
fifteen  prisoners.”  Lieutenant-Colonel  Tappan,  in  a report  of  the 
second  fight,  made  May  31st,  said:  “I  was  assigned  to  the  imme- 
diate command  of  a battalion  of  infantry,  consisting  of  Companies 


124 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


C,  Captain  Sopris;  D,  Captain  Downing;  G,  Captain  Wilder;  I, 
Captain  Mailie,  and  K Captain  Robbins,  First  Colorado  Volun- 
teers. A battery  of  four  guns — two  1 2-pounders  and  two  6-pound- 
ers, Captain  Ritter,  regular  army,  and  four  1 2-pounder  mountain 
howitzers.  Lieutenant  Claflin,  United  States  regular  army,  were 

attached  to  my  command.  * * * 

An  estimate  was  made  after  the  battle 
of  the  casualties  of  my  command,  and, 
if  my  memory  serves  me,  29  killed,  64 
wounded,  and  13  missing.”  Governor 
Connelly,  writing  to  the  secretary  of 
state,  at  Washington,  on  March  30th, 
informed  him  that  “our  loss  in  killed, 
wounded  and  missing  in  the  two  days' 
encounter  will  reach  150.”  A state- 
ment of  the  losses  among  the  Colorado 
Volunteers,  giving  the  names  of  their 
killed  and  wounded  during  this  history- 
making campaign,  probably  not  accu- 
rate in  every  particular,  but  as  nearly 
so  as  can  be  ascertained  at  this  time, 
appears  on  later  pages  of  this  volume. 
There  it  may  be  seen  that  the  casualties 
of  the  Colorado  Volunteers,  alone,  ex- 
ceeded the  totals  of  the  officers'  reports 
quoted  above ; yet,  as  the  reader  knows, 
there  were  some  other  Union  troops 
which  fought  in  the  engagements  in 
La  Glorieta  pass. 

As  to  the  Confederates’  losses,  the  exact  truth  is  not  likely  ever 
to  be  known.  No  report  of  theirs  of  their  killed  and  wounded  in 
Apache  canon  could  be  found.  Major  Chivington  informed  Colonel 
Canby,  March  26th,  that  “the  loss  of  the  enemy  was,  as  we  ascer- 
tained from  their  own  accounts,  32  killed,  43  wounded,  and  71 
taken  prisoners.”  Of  their  misfortunes  in  the  second  fight.  Colonel 
Slough,  in  his  report  of  March  29th  to  Colonel  Canby,  said : “The 


Dr.  Lewis  C.  Tolies,  Assistant- 
Surgeon  of  the  First  Colorado 
Regiment. 

(From  a war-time  photograph 
in  the  State  Historical  and 
Natural  History  Society’s  col- 
lection. 


THE  DECISIVE  BATTLE. 


125 


enemy’s  loss  is  in  killed  from  40  to  60,  and  in  wounded  probably 
over  100.  In  addition,  we  took  some  25  prisoners."  Reporting 
to  the  adjutant-general  of  the  army  on  March  30th.  Slough  wrote: 
“The  loss  of  the  enemy  is  great.  His  killed  amount  to  at  least 
100,  his  wounded  at  least  150.  * * * He  is  still  burying  his 

dead.  It  is  claimed  that  in  the  battles  of  the  26th  and  28th  together 
we  damaged  the  enemy  at  least  350  killed,  wounded  and  prisoners." 
On  March  30th  the  governor  of  New  Mexico,  who  was  one  of 
Secretary  Seward’s  most  active  correspondents,  reported  to  that 
member  of  the  cabinet  that  the  Confederate  losses  were  “fully 
double  the  number"  of  those  of  the  Union  forces.  On  April  6th 
he  sent  word  to  Mr.  Seward  that  “the  loss  of  the  enemy  in  the  late 
encounter  does  not  fall  short  of  400  men  in  killed,  wounded  and 
missing;’’  and  added  that  “near  200"  Confederate  wounded  were 
still  at  the  battlefield.  Over  seventy  dead  bodies  of  Confederate 
soldiers  were  said  to  have  been  seen  the  day  after  the  second  fight 
lying  on  the  earthen  floor  of  the  largest  apartment  in  Valle’s  house 
(Pigeon's  ranch),  gathered  from  the  battlefield  and  awaiting  burial. 
It  w-as  also  said  that  among  their  belongings  which  the  Confed- 
erates afterward  left  behind  them  at  Albuquerque  were  some  of  their 
records,  including  those  of  their  surgeons,  and  that  according  to 
these  their  losses  in  the  two  fights  in  La  Glorieta  pass  were  281 
killed  and  200  wounded.  But  this  story  about  the  surgeons’  books 
was  never  satisfactorily  authenticated. 

However,  it  is  very  close  to  the  facts  to  say  that  the  Union  losses 
in  killed  and  wounded  in  Colonel  Slough’s  force  on  March  28th 
was  about  one-fourth  of  the  number  of  troops  engaged ; and  that 
the  Confederates  lost  in  the  two  fights  more  than  one-fourth  of 
their  men  who  entered  the  pass.  Their  officers  were  remarkably 
unfortunate,  for,  as  we  have  seen.  Colonel  Scurry  reported  that  all 
of  his  field  officers  “upon  the  ground  were  either  killed  or  touched." 

Most  of  the  Union  dead  of  the  second  fig'ht  were  interred  in  the 
open  field  to  the  east  of  Pigeon’s  ranch,  and  by  the  side  of  those 
who  had  fallen  two  days  before  in  the  Apache  canon.  The  Con- 
federate dead  were  laid  side  by  side  in  a great  trench  excavated 
in  a level  spot  across  the  arrovo,  just  west  of  the  ranch,  and  close 


126 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


to  the  high  ledge  of  rocks.  A long  and  slight  depression  in  the 
ground  marks  to-day  their  resting  place — their  undisturbed  and  final 
bivouac. 

It  was,  indeed,  a stunning,  fatal  blow  that  Chivington's  force  had 
inflicted  at  Johnson’s  ranch,  not  only  upon  the  rear,  but  upon  the 
advance  of  Scurry's  army,  and  also  upon  the  entire  campaign  of 
the  Confederates  in  the  Southwest.  This  rear  was  utterly  scattered 
and  ruined,  and  further  advance  was  made  hopeless.  The  Texans, 
after  staying  at  Pigeon's  ranch  two  days  and  two  nights  subsequent 
to  the  second  battle,  without  shelter  or  blankets,  and  practically 
without  food,  retreated  to  Santa  Fe  in  search  of  provisions,  leaving 
at  the  ranch  their  wounded,  mentioned  by  Governor  Connelly  as 
being  nearly  200  in  number.  Of  ammunition  they  had  remaining, 
on  an  average,  no  more  than  ten  rounds  for  each  small  firearm,  and 
were  almost  without  any  for  their  artillery.  They  could  not  have 
renewed  the  engagement,  as  Colonel  Slough  had  expected  them  to 
do  at  the  time  the  truce  was  arranged;  nor  could  they  have  made 
much  resistance  to  an  attack  from  Slough,  had  he  attempted  to 
intercept  their  retreat  to  Santa  Fe  immediately  upon  the  termination 
of  the  truce.  The  effect  upon  Sibley,  who  had  hurried  to  Santa  Fe 
from  Albuquerque,  and  upon  those  of  his  advisers  who  had  par- 
ticipated in  the  fight,  was  shown  in  the  decision  soon  reached  by 
him  and  them,  that  they  had  utterly  failed  to  attain  the  object  of 
their  operations  in  New  Mexico,  and  that  the  skeleton  of  their  army 
must  return  to  Texas  with  all  practicable  speed. 

It  is  worthy  of  note,  in  passing,  that  among  Colonel  Scurry’s 
soldiers  at  La  Glorieta  was  Private  Joseph  D.  Sayres,  who,  at  the 
time  of  this  writing,  is  governor  of  the  great  and  prosperous  state 
of  Texas. 

Colonel  Slough’s  troops,  after  burying  their  dead,  and  removing 
their  wounded  to  Kozlowski’s  ranch,  which  then  became  a crowded 
hospital,  started  for  Fort  Union  in  the  afternoon  of  March  30th, 
the  second  day  after  their  memorable  struggle  with  the  Texans  at 
La  Glorieta.  They  had  received  positive  instructions  from  Colonel 
Canby  to  fall  back  to  that  post,  in  order  to  protect  it  “at  all  hazards, 
and  to  leave  nothing  to  chance.”  The  fear  was  entertained  that  a 


THE  DECISIVE  BATTLE. 


127 


detachment  of  the  Confederates,  pursuing  some  other  route,  would 
endeavor  to  surprise  and  take  it.  On  the  sixth  day  thereafter  the 
governor  of  the  territory  wrote  to  Washington  that  had  they,  in- 
stead of  going-  on  this  march,  advanced  immediately  after  the  battle 
toward  Santa  Fe,  “it  would  have  led  to  the  entire  capture  or  dis- 
persion of  the  enemy’s  force."  When  the  troops  arrived  at  Fort 
Union  they  found  that  it  was  not  in  the  remotest  danger  of  being 
attacked.  By  the  end  of  ten  days  after  leaving  Kozlowski's  they 
encamped  near  there  again,  under  orders  to  hasten  to  the  aid  of 
Colonel  Canby’s  small  army  near  Albuquerque,  which  had  left  Fort 
Craig  on  the  first  of  April.  In  the  meantime,  Colonel  Slough,  dis- 
gusted because  he  had  not  been  permitted  to  follow  up  the  advan- 
tages that  had  been  gained  at  La  Glorieta  and  effect  the  capture 
or  dispersion  of  Colonel  Scurry’s  force,  resigned  his  commission. 
In  the  feeling  of  exasperation  that  led  to  this,  his  officers  and  men 
sympathized  with  him. 

Hollister,  from  whom  I have  once  before  quoted,  in  his  historical 
pamphlet  says  of  Colonel  Slough,  in  connection  with  the  failure  to 
pursue  the  demoralized  Confederates  : 

“Flushed  with  an  honorable  and  complete  victory,  bis  brave 
troops  eager  to  complete  the  destruction  of  the  enemy,  Colonel 
Slough  read  the  despatch  brought  by  Captain  Nicodemus,  in  dis- 
may. He  could  not  destroy  the  order;  it  had  been  too  openly  deliv- 
ered to  leave  any  room  for  evasion.  To  obey  it  was  to  let  the 
enemy,  broken  and  disheartened,  escape;  to  refuse  was  to  subject 
himself  to  court  martial  and  disgrace. 

“He  issued  the  order  for  the  backward  movement,  but  resigned 
his  commission.  * * 

Colonel  Slough  later  went  to  Washington  and  was  commissioned 
in  the  spring  of  1863  a brigadier-general  by  President  Lincoln,  and 
placed  in  command  of  the  Military  District  of  Alexandria,  Vir- 
ginia. He  survived  the  war,  and  after  its  close  was  appointed  chief 
justice  of  the  territory  of  New  Mexico. 


PRECIPITATE  RETREAT  OF  THE  CONFEDERATES 
FROM  NEW  MEXICO. 


Before  Colonel  Canby  ordered  the  main  force,  including  the 
Colorado  Volunteers,  at  Fort  Union  to  proceed  at  once  to  join  him 
in  the  Rio  Grande  valley,  he  had  formed  a plan  to  drive,  if  possible, 
the  remnants  of  General  Sibley’s  forces  out  of  New  Mexico.  Pie 
selected  1,200  of  his  troops,  largely  regulars,  at  Fort  Craig,  for 
an  expedition  north  under  his  command,  placing'  Colonel  Kit  Car- 
son,  with  ten  companies  of  New  Mexico  Volunteers,  in  charge  of 
the  post  during  his  absence.  He  decided  to  march  northward  until 
he  could  be  joined  by  reenforcements  from  Fort  Union,  and  then 
with  the  two  columns  united  compel  Sibley  to  withdraw  from 
Santa  Fe. 

But  the  Confederates  already  had  some  plans  of  their  own,  hav- 
ing resolved  to  withdraw,  not  only  from  Santa  Fe,  but  from  the 
territory  itself,  and  to  do  so  without  waiting  for  any  more  force 
to  be  applied  to  them.  Immediately  after  the  battle  of  La  Glorieta 
the}''  began  preparations  for  their  retreat  down  the  Rio  Grande  val- 
ley into  Texas.  On  the  5th  and  6th  of  April  they  evacuated  Santa 
Fe  and  marched  for  Albuquerque,  leaving  behind  them  all  of  their 
sick  and  wounded  who  were  unable  to  take  some  care  of  themselves. 

General  Sibley  had  succeeded  in  occupying  what  is  now  Old 
Albuquerque  before  Colonel  Canby  and  his  troops  from  Fort  Craig 
arrived  in  the  vicinity  on  the  8th  of  April.  The  former  had  sta- 
tioned his  artillery  at  different  points  in  the  town,  and  strongly  at 
Armijo’s  mill  in  the  eastern  end,  which  is  now  a residence  portion, 
called  Glorieta. 

Colonel  Canby  soon  planted  his  battery  about  a mile  to  the  east 
of  the  mill  in  a large  irrigating  ditch,  at  the  place  where  are  now 
located  the  water  works  of  the  new  town,  more  spacious  by  far 
than  the  old  one,  and  he  arranged  here  the  supports  of  his  four 
guns  along  in  the  ditch  and  behind  a low  embankment  on  its  west 
side. 


(128) 


PRECIPITATE  RETREAT  OF  THE  CONFEDERATES. 


129 


The  hostile  forces  were  engaged  for  about  two  days  in  artillery 
duels  from  the  points  already  described,  and  in  sharp  skirmishing 
on  the  borders  of  the  town.  The  destruction  of  property  and  the 
casualties  among  the  men  on  both  sides  were  slight.  Canby  sought 
to  discover  more  fully  the  strength  and  intentions  of  the  Confed- 
erates, and  the  latter  aimed  to  conceal  these,  and  to  prevent  the 
capture  of  the  supplies  they  had  collected.  The  former  made  a 
request  for  the  women  and  children  to  he  removed  from  the  town, 


View  in  Old  Albuquerque  in  the  Late  Fifties. 

(From  a wood  engraving  in  “El  Gringo,”  by  W.  W.  II.  Davis,  1857.) 


and  upon  this  being  refused,  he  ceased  to  bombard  it,  and  retired 
in  the  night  northeastward  toward  Sandia  mountain,  and  entered 
the  Carnuel  canon,  which  cuts  through  the  center  of  it,  and  camped 
finally  at  Tijeras,  about  fifteen  miles  from  Albuquerque.  Here  he 
awaited  the  coming  of  the  troops  from  Fort  Union.  They  reached 
him  late  in  the  evening  of  the  13th  of  April,  having  marched 
through  a rough  pass  and  over  a high  mesa,  and  on  the  last  day, 
forty-six  miles,  losing  by  death  many  of  their  horses  and  mules, 
and  leaving  some  of  the  men  exhausted  on  the  route. 

General  Sibley,  not  fearing  any  further  attack  at  Albuquerque, 
for  a few  days,  soon  completed  his  arrangements  to  evacuate  the 
place  and  to  continue  what  he  called  “this  retrograde  movement.” 


9 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


130 

Here,  then,  was  the  depot  of  all  of  his  supplies.  He  buried  here, 
as  he  had  at  Santa  Fe,  a part  of  the  brass  cannon  with  which  his 
command  originally  had  been  provided,  retaining  their  carriages  for 
transportation  purposes,  but  he  held  on  to  the  six  field  pieces  he  had 
captured  from  Canby  at  V alverde.  By  this  time  ammunition  for 
the  guns  he  buried  had  been  entirely  exhausted. 

On  the  1 2th  of  April  the  main  portion  of  the  Confederate  troops 
crossed  the  Rio  Grande  near  Albuquerque,  and  proceeded  down 
the  west  bank  to  Los  Lunas,  where  they  were  ordered  to  wait  for 
the  arrival  of  the  remainder.  On  the  morrow  the  latter  marched 
down  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river  about  twenty  miles  to  the 
ranch  of  Territorial  Governor  Connelly,  and  occupied  his  spacious 
residence,  situated  in  “quite  a dense  forest  of  trees,”  and  at  a short 
distance  from  Peralta,  nearly  opposite  Los  Lunas.  The  farming 
lands  of  the  place  were  enclosed  by  high  adobe  walls,  affording  a 
defense  like  a fortification.  Here  this  force  remained  almost  two 
days. 

The  resignation  of  Colonel  Slough  having  taken  effect  on  April 
9th,  a petition,  signed  by  all  of  the  other  officers  of  the  First  Colo- 
rado, asking  that  Major  Chivington  be  promoted  his  successor,  was 
presented  to  Colonel  Canby  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Tappan  upon  the 
arrival  of  the  regiment  at  the  latter's  camp  at  Tijeras  in  the  even- 
ing of  April  13th.  By  a field  order  dated  April  14th  Canby  made 
the  appointment.  Virtually  from  the  first,  because  of  his  presence, 
popularity  and  superior  ability,  Chivington  had  been  the  regiment's 
real  leader. 

In  the  morning  of  April  14th  Colonel  Canby' s command  left 
Tijeras,  and  after  a march  of  thirty-six  miles  southward  went  into 
camp  in  the  evening  of  that  day,  without  the  enemy’s  knowledge, 
about  a mile  from  Governor  Connelly’s  ranch,  where  the  Confed- 
erates, in  that  pleasant  refuge,  were  enjoying  with  music  and  danc- 
ing a careless  “revelry  by  night.”  Colonel  Chivington  and  his  men 
insisted  upon  attacking  them  at  once,  surprising  and  capturing  them, 
and  so  ending  the  career  of  this  divsion  of  Sibley’s  shattered  and 
demoralized  forces  before  they  slept.  Canby  refused  the  necessary 
permission,  saving  a night  attack  was  generally  disastrous  to  the 


PRECIPITATE  RETREAT  OF  THE  CONFEDERATES.  I3I 

party  making  it,  and  intimating  that  he  preferred  the  enemy  should 
flee  out  of  the  country  seeking  their  own  supplies,  than  for  him  to 
capture  them  and  be  compelled  to  furnish  their  subsistence  from  his 
insufficient  stores.  For  this  the  feeling  against  him  became  ex- 
tremely bitter,  and  the  suspicion  was  entertained  that,  since  he  was 


Present  Appearance  of  the  Site  of  the  Armijo  Mill  in  Old  Albuquerque. 

(From  one  of  the  author’s  photographs.) 


a brother-in-law  to  General  Sibley,  he  was  disposed  to  injure  his 
own  cause  by  favoring  that  of  the  latter. 

Early  next  morning  a train  of  seven  wagons  loaded  with  sup- 
plies and  accompanied  by  a mountain  howitzer,  in  charge  of  a Con- 
federate officer  and  thirty  men,  was  discovered  approaching  from 
Albuquerque.  A detachment  of  the  Federals  hastened  to  attack 
the  escort.  In  the  fight  that  followed  six  of  the  enemy  were  killed, 
three  wounded,  and  the  latter,  with  all  of  the  others,  were  made 
prisoners,  and  the  train  and  the  howitzer  brought  into  camp.  In 
the  forenoon  Colonel  Canby  moved  upon  the  Confederates  and 
drove  them  from  Governor  Connelly’s  ranch  some  distance  toward 
the  river  and  into  another  bosque,  where  they  were  joined  during 
the  day  by  reenforcements  from  their  main  column,  that  had  halted 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


at  Los  Lunas,  on  the  other  side  of  the  stream.  Skirmishing  and 
cannonading  between  the  opposing  forces  were  continued  until 
after  nightfall,  with  the  advantages  on  the  Federal  side.  Aside 
from  those  killed  and  wounded  in  the  capture  of  the  wagon  train, 
nothing  definite  is  known  of  the  Confederate  losses  at  Peralta. 
Colonel  Canby  reported  that  the  Union  side  had  one  killed  and 
three  wounded,  but  none  taken  prisoner.  Colonel  Chivington  and 
one  of  his  captains  barely  escaped  a cannon  ball,  which,  after  skip- 
ping along  the  ground  directly  toward  them,  bounded  a few  inches 
over  their  heads.  The  tragic  incident  is  told  of  two  Federal  soldiers, 
walking  near  these  officers  over  the  ground  raked  by  the  Confed- 
erate guns,  being  fatally  struck  in  their  bodies  by  the  same  ball. 

Here,  in  this  engagement  at  Peralta,  on  the  15th  of  April,  the 
Confederates  fired  their  last  shot  at  Union  soldiers  in  General  Sib- 
ley’s ill-fated  campaign  in  New  Mexico,  for  Colonel  Canby  per- 
mitted them  to  escape  from  the  territory  without  further  molesta- 
tion from  him,  “although  his  force  was  double  that  of  Sibley.”  At 
ten  o’clock  that  night  their  troops  which  had  been  in  the  fight  of 
the  day,  withdrew  from  their  position  and  began  in  dense  darkness 
to  cross  the  Rio  Grande  at  Los  Lunas,  leaving  behind  their  dead, 
and  some  wounded  and  sick,  and  by  next  morning  the  reunited 
columns  had  advanced  five  miles  down  the  west  side  of  the  stream 
in  their  retreat.  This  movement  was  made  “with  the  full  knowledge 
of  Colonel  Canby,”  as  stated  in  a published  article  written  by  an 
officer  in  his  confidence.  For  this  and  for  his  subsequent  conduct 
in  the  “pursuit”  of  General  Sibley’s  broken  command,  in  which  there 
was  or  seemed  to  be  a willingness  to  permit  the  Confederates  to  go 
in  peace,  the  Union  people  of  New  Mexico,  as  well  as  nearly  all  of 
his  soldiers,  never  forgave  Colonel  Canby. 

It  was  alleged  in  behalf  of  Canby  that  it  was  impossible  for  the 
Union  troops  to  cross  the  river  as  the  enemy  had  done  and  follow 
them  along  the  same  bank,  because  the  spring  rains  had  greatly 
swollen  the  stream,  and  that  the  only  ferry  boat  in  that  vicinity  had 
been  sunk  by  those  using  it  the  night  before.  So  Canby  under- 
took the  “race”  after  the  Confederates  on  the  east  side,  the  two 
commands  being  nearly  opposite  each  other  on  the  16th  and  17th, 


PRECIPITATE  RETREAT  OF  THE  CONFEDERATES. 


133 


and  frequently  within  the  easy  range  of  their  cannon.  On  the  even- 
ing of  the  17th  they  went  into  camp  with  the  river  between  them, 
and  each  plainly  in  sight  of  the  other.  In  the  morning  of  the  18th 
Canby  discovered  that  the  enemy  had  disappeared  before  daylight, 
although  some  of  their  camp  fires,  which  had  been  abundantly  re- 
plenished at  the  time  of  going,  still  were  burning.  The  Confed- 
erates had  abandoned  a purpose  they  formed  while  on  this  retreat 
to  move  rapidly  on  Fort  Craig,  “attack  its  weak  garrison  and 


The  Ditch  in  Front  of  the  Albuquerque  Water  Works,  in  Which  Colonel  Canby  Planted 

His  Artillery. 

(Freni  one  of  tbe  author’s  photographs.) 


demolish  the  fort,”  as  a farewell  performance,  and,  instead  of  this, 
they  had  suddenly  decided  to  take  a more  difficult  and  hazardous 
route,  twenty  miles  farther  to  the  west,  through  the  San  Mateo 
mountains,  and  to  return  to  the  river  at  a point  thirty  miles  below 
Fort  Craig,  near  Alamosa.  So,  at  a short  distance  to  the  southwest 
of  Socorro,  and  during  a terrific  wind  and  sand  storm,  such  as 
does  not  often  visit  New  Mexico,  they  diverged  to  this  course  before 
daybreak  of  the  18th,  packing  most  of  the  supplies  they  took  with 
them  on  mules.  They  left  at  their  camp  some  sick  and  wounded, 
whom  Canby  reported  as  found  “without  attendance,  without  medi- 


I34 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


cines,  and  almost  without  food,"  and  also  “thirty-six  wagons  and 
the  supplies  that  they  contained,"  together  with  a miscellaneous 

lot  of  impedimenta.  They 
had  stripped  themselves  to 
the  limit  for  their  most 
toilsome  march , which 
they  were  ten  days  in 
making,  meanwhile  en- 
during actual  suffering 
from  lack  of  food  and 
much  hardship  in  an  ex- 
tremely rough  and  deso- 
late region.  But  they 
avoided  the  possibility  of 
another  encounter  with 
the  Union  troops,  espe- 
cially with  the  disappoint- 
ed Colorado  Volunteers, 
who  longed  to  administer 
upon  them  a blow  that 
would  destroy  their  or- 
ganization. 

Of  the  march  of  the 
Confederates  on  this  de- 
tour an  officer  who  served 
with  Colonel  Canby,  in  an 
account  of  this  campaign, 
says : 

“Sibley's  retreat  was  a 
most  desperate  one.  He 
passed  on  the  west  side 
of  the  Sierra  Madelena, 
through  the  Sierra  de  San 
Mateo,  until  he  reached  the  dry  bed  of  the  Rio  Palornas,  down  which 
he  continued  until  he  reached  the  Rio  Grande,  where  supplies  had 
been  sent  from  Mesilla  to  meet  him.  His  command  was  entirely 
worn  out  and  nearly  famished.  This  distance  from  where  he  left 
the  Rio  Grande  until  he  reached  it  again  was  over  one  hundred 


Map  Showing  the  Detour-route  Followed  by  General 
Sibley  on  His  Retreat  from  New  Mexico, 

(From  “Battles  and  Leaders  of  the  Civil  War.’’ 
The  Century  Company,  1887.) 


PRECIPITATE  RETREAT  OF  THE  CONFEDERATES. 


135 


miles,  and  the  Confederates  were  ten  days  accomplishing  this  dis- 
tance, with  five  days  of  poor  rations.  The  route  was  through  the 
worst  country  in  that  territory,  with  no  guides,  trail  or  road.  What 
artillery  they  got  through  with  was  dragged  up  hill  and  lowered  by 
the  men,  who  used  long  ropes  for  that  purpose.  The  undergrowth 
and  brush  were  so  dense  that  for  several  miles  they  were  forced  to 
cut  their  way  through  with  axes  and  bowie  knives.  Nearly  all  of 
the  ammunition  was  abandoned  on  the  way,  as  was  nearly  every- 
thing else,  except  what  the  men  carried  upon  their  persons.  On 
passing  over  the  route  of  these  unfortunate  men,  nearly  a year  after, 
T not  infrequently  found  a piece  of  a gun  carriage,  or  part  of  a har- 
ness, or  some  piece  of  camp  or  garrison  equipage,  with  occasionally 
a white,  dry  skeleton  of  a man.  At  some  points  it  seemed  impos- 
sible for  men  to  have  made  their  way.  During  this  retreat  the  Con- 
federates were  unmolested  by  the  Union  troops,  with  the  exception 
of  the  ubiquitous  Captain  Graydon,  who  with  his  [independent  spy] 
company  followed  them  alone  for  a long  distance,  picking  up  a 
large  amount  of  serviceable  articles,  which  they  had  abandoned  on 
the  way.” 

In  a report  to  the  adjutant-general  of  the  army,  at  Washington, 
dated  May  4th,  Colonel  Canby  said: 

“Scouts  and  prisoners  report  this  force  as  greatly  demoralized, 
and  that  they  have  abandoned  everything  that  could  impede  their 
flight.  Sick  and  wounded  have  been  left  by  the  wayside,  without 
care  and  often  without  food.  Many  of  them  have  been  collected 
and  are  properly  cared  for,  and  arrangements  have  been  made  to 
bring  in  the  others  and  secure  any  valuable  property  that  has  been 
abandoned  by  the  enemy." 

After  sending  some  men  to  collect  and  care  for  the  property  the 
Confederates  had  abandoned  at  their  camp,  Canby  had  continued 
his  march  on  the  east  side  of  the  river  to  Polvadera,  where  he 
crossed.  Here  he  rested  his  men  for  a day,  and  then  resumed  his 
leisurely  way  down  to  Fort  Craig,  where  he  arrived  on  the  22cl  of 
April.  There,  for  the  next  six  weeks,  the  men  half  starved,  each 
with  the  allowance  of  only  six  ounces  of  flour  daily,  while  waiting 
for  a train  loaded  with  the  needed  supplies  to  arrive  from  the 
North,  and  which  was  detained  by  the  severe  rains  and  the  overflow 
of  the  river  that  prevailed  during  the  time.  To  their  great  surprise, 
the  first  that  arrived  consisted  only  of  vinegar  and  whiskey — not  an 
ounce  of  provisions. 


136 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


Bv  the  beginning  of  May  General  Sibley  had  distributed  what 
remained  of  his  forces  in  the  villages  along  the  Rio  Grande  from 
Doha  Aha  to  El  Paso.  Colonel  Canby  reported  to  the  secretary  of 
war  that  the  Confederate  commander  had  left  behind  him,  “in  dead 
and  wounded,  and  in  sick,  prisoners  and  missing,  one-half  of  his 
original  force."  Only  seven  wagons  were  brought  back,  while  327 
were  reported  as  taken  northward  by  him  from  Mesilla  five  months 
previous,  and  the  only  artillery  he  had  was  McRae’s  battery  of  six 
guns,  captured  at  Valverde.  In  a long  report,  written  at  Fort  Bliss, 
Texas,  May  4th,  to  the  adjutant  and  inspector-general  of  the  Con- 
federacy, at  Richmond,  and  giving  a history  of  his  costly  campaign, 
General  Sibley  remarked : “But,  sir,  I can  not  speak  encouragingly 
for  the  future ; my  troops  having  manifested  a dogged,  irreconcil- 
able detestation  of  the  country  and  the  people."  Near  the  close  of 
that  month  he  wrote  to  the  Confederate  general  commanding  the 
Western  District  of  Texas,  that  provisions,  forage,  ammunition 
and  clothing  for  his  troops  were  “completely  exhausted,"  and  that 
he  had  “no  means  of  renewing  the  supply."  The  financial  credit 
of  his  government  had  declined  so  greatly  in  the  valley  that  the 
Confederate  paper  currency  had  then,  in  1862,  the  purchasing  power 
of  only  twenty  cents  on  the  dollar.  Early  in  May  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Scurry  had  arrived  at  San  Antonio,  Texas,  and  given  a full 
account  of  the  disastrous  campaign. 

With  the  crushing  defeat  of  the  main  Confederate  movement  into 
New  Mexico,  under  General  Sibley,  and  the  advance  of  a body  of 
Union  troops  from  California,  Military  Governor  Baylor’s  “terri- 
tory of  Arizona"  collapsed  early  in  the  summer  of  1862.  He  had 
conducted  his  operations  with  great  vigor  and  unvarying  success, 
and  had  expected  soon  to  move  upon  some  point  at  Pacific  tide- 
water, and  there  establish  a Confederate  post  and  port  of  entry. 
Intelligence  of  the  disaster  to  Sibley  was  delayed  in  reaching  Colonel 
Bavlor,  but  before  the  close  of  July  all  of  his  troops  had  followed 
those  of  Sibley  into  Texas,  and  New  Mexico  was  not  again  troubled 
or  entered  by  the  Confederates  during  the  war.  Many  of  the  men 
of  the  territory  who  were  in  sympathy  with  the  Southern  cause 
departed  when  Sibley’s  and  Baylor's  forces  were  driven  out,  to 


PRECIPITATE  RETREAT  OF  THE  CONFEDERATES. 


*2,7 

become  more  closely  identified  elsewhere  with  the  Confederacy  and 
its  purposes. 

The  cannon  abandoned  and  buried  at  Santa  Fe  by  General  Sibley 
had  not.  at  last  accounts,  been  recovered ; but  those  similarly  dis- 
posed of  by  him  at  Albuquerque,  eight  in  number,  were  dug  up  in 
1892,  in  a garden  that  in  1862  was  a corral,  north  not  far  from  the 


The  Garden  in  Old  Albuquerque  Where  Eight  of  General  Sibley's  Cannon  Were  Exhumed. 

(From  one  of  the  author’s  photographs.) 


plaza,  their  place  of  concealment  having  been  pointed  out  by  Major 
T.  T.  Teel,  who  had  directed  their  burial,  and  who  visited  Albu- 
querque in  that  year  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  in  their  resurrection. 
Four  of  these  guns  are  still  kept  in  Albuquerque,  and  the  other  four 
were  transferred  in  1898  to  the  state  of  Colorado  by  the  United 
States,  and  are  on  exhibition  in  the  capitol  at  Denver,  with  many 
other  relics  of  the  Civil  War.  in  the  headquarters  there  of  the 
Department  of  Colorado  and  Wyoming,  Grand  Army  of  the  Re- 
public. They  are  all  12-pound  howitzers,  and  were  part  of  the 
artillery  which  General  David  E.  Twiggs,  of  the  United  States 
army,  surrendered  in  February,  1861,  at  San  Antonio,  to  Texas, 
on  its  secession  from  the  Union.  For  the  four  which  are  now  in 


138  COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 

the  possession  of  Colorado  that  state  is  indebted  chiefly  to  the 
efforts  of  Captain  Cecil  A.  Deane,  of  Denver,  and  a veteran  of  the 
War  for  the  Union.  While  custodian  of  the  collection  of  war  relics 
in  the  state  capitol  he  learned  of  the  recovery  of  the  eight  guns, 
and  after  about  six  years  of  persistent  effort,  in  which  he  was  Anally 
assisted  by  Honorable  John  F.  Shafroth,  then  the  member  of  con- 
gress from  the  Denver  district,  he  succeeded  in  having  the  custody 
of  four  of  them  granted  to  Colorado  by  the  war  department,  like 
authority  being  at  the  same  time  given  to  New  Mexico  to  retain 
the  remaining  four.  After  receiving  the  guns,  and  when  he  was 
cleaning  them.  Custodian  Deane  found  in  one  of  them  the  rust- 
eaten  remains  of  a charge  of  canister,  which  had  been  loaded  into 
the  piece,  perhaps  at  the  battle  of  Da  Glorieta. 

Of  the  further  history  of  the  guns  that  formed  McRae's  battery, 
Captain  Deane  supplied  me  with  the  information  embodied  in  this 
paragraph,  and  which  he  received  personally  from  Major  T.  T. 
Teel,  at  El  Paso,  shortly  before  the  death  of  that  brave  and  chival- 
rous Confederate  soldier.  The  battery  comprised  four  12-pound 
and  two  6-pound  brass  guns,  and,  as  I have  stated  on  an  earlier 
page,  they  were  turned,  immediately  after  their  capture,  upon  the 
Union  troops  at  V alverde.  In  the  subsequent  fighting  farther  north 
they  were  so  used  again.  Because  of  the  desperate  struggle  over 
them  at  the  time  of  their  capture.  General  'Sibley's  defeated  and  im- 
poverished men  dragged  them  back  to  Texas,  even  after  all  their 
other  artillery  had  been  abandoned.  Five  of  the  guns  were  used 
by  General  “Dick"  Taylor  until  the  close  of  the  war,  and  then  were 
thrown  into  the  Red  river,  in  the  bed  of  which  they  remain  to  this 
day.  At  the  time  of  the  battery's  capture  the  axle  of  one  of  the 
guns  had  been  weakened  by  a round  shot,  and  when  those  of  Sib- 
ley’s men  who  had  the  battery  in  charge  reached  El  Paso  they  left 
the  injured  gun  in  that  city,  where  it  is  still  preserved — a treasured 
memento  of  men  who  knew  not  fear.  Upon  its  upper  surface,  at 
the  breech  and  on  that  of  its  muzzle,  discolorations,  which  no  man 
would  remove,  are  yet  plainly  seen.  “These,"  said  Major  Teel  to 
Captain  Deane,  as  the  two  stood  by  the  piece  of  artillery,  “were 
made  by  the  blood  of  McRae  and  Lockridge,  both  of  whose  bodies 


Four  of  the  Brass  Howitzers  Buried  by  General  Sibley  at  Albuquerque,  While  on  His 
Retreat  Down  the  Rio  Grande  Valley. 

(From  a photograph  of  the  guns,  which  are  now  in  the  War-relic  Department  of  the 
Headquarters  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  Department  of  Colorado  and  Wyo- 
ming, in  the  Capitol  at  Denver.) 

The  guns  are  thirty-*  i g 1 t ii.<h<s  long  and  cf  four  and  one-half  inches  calibre. 


I4° 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


sank  and  rested  across  this  gun.’’  In  a story  that  has  long  been 
extant,  it  is  told  that  “each  of  these  officers  died  at  the  hand  of  the 
other.”  Major  Teel,  some  years  before  his  death,  publicly  corrected 
this.  He  said  that  there  was  no  duel,  or  personal  encounter,  between 
McRae  and  Lockridge  at  the  gun,  and  that  after  the  Confederates 
had  removed  the  body  of  McRae  they  found  all  of  the  chambers  of 
his  revolver  freshly  loaded. 

About  the  first  of  May  Colonel  Canby  placed  Colonel  Chivington 
with  his  regiment,  in  charge  of  Fort  Craig,  as  well  as  in  command 
of  the  Southern  District  of  New  Mexico,  where  he  and  the  First 
Colorado  remained  until  early  in  July,  Canby,  with  his  staff  and  all 
cf  the  regular  troops  at  Fort  Craig,  then  proceeding  to  the  head- 
quarters of  the  department  at  Santa  Fe.  In  this  time  Colonel  Chiv- 
ington dispatched  four  companies  of  his  regiment  to  Mesilla,  to 
welcome  and  protect  the  arrival  of  the  advance  guard  of  1,800 
troops,  known  as  the  “California  Column,”  under  the  command  of 
Brigadier-General  James  H.  Carleton,  who  was  then  on  an  expedi- 
tion from  the  Golden  state,  by  way  of  Yuma  and  Tucson,  to  the 
Rio  Grande  valley.  He  had  been  sent  to  assist  in  expelling  the 
Confederate  forces  from  New  Mexico,  and,  if  necessary,  to  intercept 
their  approach  to  southern  California.  On  the  withdrawal  of  the 
Colorado  Volunteers  from  the  territory,  his  army  could  be  distrib- 
uted to  points  in  it  already  abandoned  by  the  Texans,  and  thus  pre- 
vent any  further  invasion  of  it,  and  foster  among  the  inhabitants 
the  spirit  of  loyalty  to  the  Union.  This  march  was  made  in  the 
drvest  time  which  the  arid  region  he  crossed  had  experienced  in 
thirty  years,  and  it  could  easily  have  been  interrupted  by  an  active 
and  determined  foe,  on  band  at  various  points  on  the  way,  in  attack- 
ing the  very  small  detachments  sent  forward  separately  by  General 
Carleton  on  the  deserts,  so  that  each  of  these  could  be  supplied  with 
a sufficient,  though  limited,  quantity  of  water  at  each  living  spring, 
while  any  two  of  them  often  were  many  miles  apart. 

Other  important  results,  beside  driving  the  Texans  back  into  their 
own  state,  had  been  attained  by  the  Colorado  Volunteers  and  de- 
tachments of  the  regular  army,  for  both  New  Mexico  and  the  gen- 
eral government,  by  the  victory  of  La  Glorieta,  and  by  their  subse- 


PRECIPITATE  RETREAT  OF  THE  CONFEDERATES.  I4I 

quent  operations  farther  south  in  the  Rio  Grande  valley.  A large 
guard  from  this  force  had  reoccupied  Santa  Fe,  the  capital,  early 
in  April,  immediately  after  its  evacuation  by  the  Confederates,  and 
were  “received  with  public  demonstrations  of  joy.”  The  people  of 
the  town,  with  numerous  other  citizens  of  the  territory,  were  grate- 
ful for  the  relief  afforded  them  from  the  depredations  of  a hostile 
army,  and  became  more  firmly  attached  to  the  cause  of  the  Union. 
The  territorial  officers,  who  had  been  compelled  to  find  safety  in 
other  places  two  months  before,  when  the  invaders  were  approach- 
ing Santa  Fe.  returned  by  the  middle  of  April,  reoccupied  their 
quarters  in  the  old  “Palace,”  and  took  up  the  work  of -restoring 
order  in  the  country. 

Whatever  indications  existed  among  the  Mormons  in  Utah  and 
elsewhere,  and  among  the  Indian  tribes  of  the  Southwest,  of  favor- 
ing the  Confederacy,  were  rudely  checked  and  held  in  full  restraint. 
The  “malignant  element"  in  Colorado  was  completely  quieted;  and 
only  once  thereafter  during  the  great  and  long  conflict  for  the 
Union  was  any  portion  of  that  territory  alarmed  or  disturbed  by 
hostile  inroads  from  the  Confederacy,  and  that  was  in  1864,  when 
a troop  of  Texan  guerrillas,  coming  from  the  southeast,  penetrated 
beyond  Canon  City  on  their  way  to  plunder  in  the  South  Park 
country.  But  they  were  soon  hunted  down,  and  all  were  either 
killed  or  captured. 

An  army  of  five  full  regiments  and  two  batteries,  with  all  neces- 
sary supplies  and  equipment,  had  been  assembled  at  Fort  Riley 
in  Kansas,  in  April,  1862,  to  march  to  the  relief  of  New  Mexico. 
On  hearing  of  the  defeat  of  the  Confederates  at  La  Glorieta,  and 
of  their  retreat  from  Santa  Fe  and  probable  speedy  withdrawal  from 
New  Mexico,  the  order  for  this  force  to  advance  was  counter- 
manded by  the  war  department,  and  a large  part  of  it  was  sent  at 
once  to  strengthen  the  Union  movements  in  Tennessee.  Thus  was 
saved,  in  this  instance  alone,  to  the  government  at  Washington,  an 
expenditure  of  money  estimated  in  a report  to  the  quartermaster- 
general  of  the  United  States  army,  at  ten  millions  of  dollars,  and 
the  services  of  regiments  which  were  sorely  needed  elsewhere. 


142 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


These  Federal  military  operations  in  the  Southwest  were  seri- 
ously embarrassed  by  the  difficulties  and  delays  in  the  transmission 
of  communications  to  and  from  Washington,  and  by  the  neglect, 
whether  intentional  or  not,  of  the  authorities  at  Washington.  Con- 
cerning the  latter,  Jerome  C.  Smiley,  in  his  History  of  Denver 
(1901),  quotes  (page  386)  the  following'  from  the  testimony  of 
Colonel  Benjamin  S.  Roberts,  of  Colonel  Canby’s  command,  before 
the  congressional  committee  on  the  conduct  of  the  war,  on  July  15, 
1862 : 

“It  appears  to  me  to  be  the  determination  of  General  Thomas 
[Lorenzo  Thomas,  then  adjutant-general  of  the  United  States 
army]  not  to  acknowledge  the  services  of  the  officers  who  saved  the 
Territory  of  New  Mexico;  and  the  utter  neglect  of  the  Adjutant- 
General’s  department  for  the  last  year  to  communicate  in  any  way 
with  the  commanding  officer  of  the  Department  of  New  Mexico, 
or  to  answer  his  urgent  appeals  for  reinforcements,  for  money  and 
for  other  supplies,  in  connection  with  his  repudiation  of  the  services 
of  all  the  army  there,  convinces  me  that  he  is  not  gratified  at  their 
loyalty  and  their  success  in  saving  that  Territory  to  the  Union.” 


) 


CONCLUSION. 


While  the  work  of  the  Colorado  Volunteers  in  utterly  crushing 
the  vaulting  ambitions  and  far-reaching  expectations  with  which 
the  Confederates  had  entered  New  Mexico  had  been  sharp,  short 
and  decisive,  the  misfortunes  of  war  had  fallen  heavily  upon  them. 
On  preceding  pages  the  totals  of  Union  losses  in  killed  and  in 
wounded  from  the  beginning  of  the  campaign,  according  to  • the 
several  but  differing  reports  of  various  officers,  have  been  given; 
and  the  imperfections  and  incompleteness  of  the  Civil  War  records 
in  the  department  of  the  adjutant-general  of  Colorado  have  been 
mentioned.  The  deficiencies  of  the  latter  became  more  and  more 
apparent  as  the  task  of  gathering  the  names  of  Colorado  soldiers 
who  were  either  killed  or  wounded  in  that  campaign  proceeded. 
The  war  department,  at  Washington,  was  asked  to  assist  in  this, 
but  in  reply  said  that  “owing  to  the  limited  clerical  force  allowed 
by  law  and  the  pressure  of  important  current  work,  the  Department 
can  not  undertake  to  compile  and  furnish  lists  showing  the  names 
of  the  killed  and  wounded  in  the  engagements  referred  to."  There- 
fore. the  resources  at  hand  in  Denver  had  to  be  depended  on 
entirely.  The  following  lists  of  killed  and  wounded,  by  name  and 
company,  were  compiled,  partly  from  the  records  in  the  Colorado 
adjutant-general's  department,  and  partly  from  other  reports,  from 
files  of  the  Denver  newspapers  of  1862,  and  from  Hollister's 
pamphlet — from  which  some  quotations  have  been  made  on  other 
pages.  In  those  of  the  killed  the  names  of  several  men  whose 
wounds  directly  caused  their  death,  and  with  one  exception  within 
a short  time,  are  included.  While  the  lists  are  as  complete  as  the 
most  careful  search  among  available  sources  of  information  could 
make  them,  it  is  not  improbable  that  they  contain  some  inaccuracies, 
and  that  a few  names  (beside  those  of  Captain  Dodd's  unknown 
wounded  at  Yalverde  and  of  those  who  may  have  been  wounded 
at  Peralta,  as  noted)  which  should  be  in  them  are  missing. 


(143) 


M4 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


AT  VALVERDE. 

CAPTAIN  DODD’S  INDEPENDENT  COMPANY. 

Colonel  Canby,  in  his  final  report  of  the  battle  of  Valverde,  stated 
that  two  men  of  this  company  were  killed,  and  twenty-eight 
wounded.  The  records  in  the  Colorado  adjutant-general’s  depart- 
ment show  that  two  more  died  from  wounds  within  a day  or  two, 
and  that  seven  (those  named  below)  were  “discharged  for  disability 
from  wounds  received  at  Valverde,”  but  they  contain  no  account 
of  the  other  wounded,  who,  it  is  to  be  presumed,  recovered  and  con- 
tinued in  the  service. 

KILLED. 

Brown,  Hugh. 

McKee,  John. 

West,  Nelson  A. 

Woodward,  Harrison  B. 

WOUNDED. 

Bridgman,  Frederick  W., 

Duffy,  Patrick  IT., 

Finch,  Francis  L., 

Newman,  James  L., 

Pampaugh,  Frank, 

Talbot,  Asa, 

Young,  John  W., 

and,  according  to  Colonel  Canby,  nineteen  more,  who  could  not  be 
identified  for  this  work. 

AT  LA  GLORIFTA. 

In  the  following  list  of  the  killed  and  wounded  in  the  two  engage- 
ments in  La  Glorieta  pass,  the  date  of  the  first  fight  follows  the 
names  of  those  who  could  be  identified  as  having  suffered  in  that 
encounter : 

KILLED. 

Anderson,  Christopher — Company  D. 

Baker,  Lieutenant  John — Company  I. 

Barton,  Charles — Company  D. 


Regimental  Standard  of  the  First  Regiment,  Colorado  Volunteers. 

(From  a photograph  of  the  Hag,  which  is  now  in  the  War-relic  Department  of  the 
Headquarters  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  Department  of  Colorado  and  Wyo- 
ming, in  the  Capitol  at  Denver.) 


10 


I46  COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 

Billard,  Frank- — Company  C. 

Bird,  Samuel — Company  I. 

Boon,  Hopkins  M. — Company  C. 

Boyle,  Michael  E.— Company  D. 

Butler,  Christian — Company  G. 

Chambers,  Lieutenant  Clark — Company  C. 

Creitz,  Charles — Company  D. 

Davis,  Alfred — Company  D. 

Denny,  Alfred  J. — Company  D. 

Dutro,  Martin — Company  F.  (March  26th.) 

Edwards,  William  G. — Company  D.  (March  26th.  ) 

Elliott,  John  B. — Company  D. 

Fenner,  Charles — Company  D. 

Freres,  John — Company  I. 

Garwish,  John — Company  I. 

Griffin.  John  M. — Ford's  Independent  Company. 

Hanley,  Henry  C. — Company  K. 

Hatshkiss,  Jasper — Company  I. 

Hirshhausen,  Henry — Company  I. 

Hittig,  Gottlieb — Company  I. 

Honeywell,  Lyman — Company  I. 

Hurst,  Sergeant  William  H. — Company  I. 

Hutson,  Jarett — Company  G. 

James,  William — Company  D. 

Johnson,  Armand — Company  I. 

Johnson,  Jude  W. — Company  F.  (March  26th.) 

Jones,  Moses — Company  K. 

Kreider,  John — -Company  I. 

Lovelace,  Harmon — Company  G. 

Marshall,  Lieutenant  William  F. — Company  F.  (March  26th.) 
Mattaush,  Ignatz — Company  I. 

McMillan,  John  J. — Company  D. 

Peters,  Amos  R. — Company  C. 

Pomps,  Andrew — Company  C. 

Renderlv,  John — Company  I. 

Rufer,  Frederick — Company  I. 


CONCLUSION. 


14/ 


Schuler,  Adam — Company  D. 

Seeley,  J.  G. — Company  D. 

Seymour,  O.  C. — Company  G. 

Shepherd,  John  E. — Company  D. 

Slawson,  Ilzatus — Company  D. 

Smith,  Jacob — Company  C. 

Stewart,  John  H. — Company  I. 

Stone,  Matthew — Company  D. 

Thompson,  George — Company  F.  ( March  26th.) 

WOUNDED. 

Backus,  Henry — Company  I. 

Baker,  Benjamin — Company  D. 

Baldwin,  William — Company  C. 

Bartlett,  August — Company  I. 

Bowmand,  William — Company  I. 

Brass,  Frank — Company  I. 

Bristol,  Charles  H. — Company  F.  (March  26th.) 
Clisbee,  William  S. — Company  G. 

Cook,  Captain  Samuel  H. — Company  F.  (March  26th.) 
Cudmore,  William — Company  I. 

Davis,  John  W. — Company  D. 

Donaldson,  James — Company  K. 

Downing,  Josiah  D.- — Company  D. 

Doyle,  James — Company  I. 

Eichbaum,  William  F. — Company  K. 

Elliott,  William — Company  D. 

Fall,  George  W. — Company  D. 

Ferris,  Benjamin  F. — Company  F. 

Fihlhauser,  John  C.- — Company  C. 

Fleming,  John  F. — Company  D. 

Flinn,  Joseph— Company  D. 

Foote,  Talmadge  O. — Company  D. 

Ford,  William  G. — Company  G. 

Freeman,  O.  I. — Company  F. 

Gerard,  Austin — Company  I. 

Gould,  E.  C. — Company  F. 


Banner  of  the  Veteran  Battalion  of  the  First 
Colorado  Regiment,  After  the  Organization 
Was  Transferred  to  the  Cavalry  Arm. 

(From  a photograph  of  the  banner,  which  is 
now  in  the  War-relic  Department  of  the 
Headquarters  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Re- 
public, Department  of  Colorado  and  Wyo- 
ming, in  the  Capitol  at  Denver.) 

The  figure  of  a lamb,  with  the  word  “Pet” 
above  it,  on  the  banner,  was  adopted  as  a bat- 
talion emblem  in  memory  of  the  term,  “Pet 
Lambs,”  applied  to  the  regiment  by  the  sol- 
diers of  General  Sibley’s  army  up  to  the  day 
of  the  second  battle  in  La  Glorieta  Pass. 


CONCLUSION. 


149 


Grealich,  James — Company  K. 

Griffin,  Edwin  B.— Company  D. 

Hall,  William  F. — Company  F.  (March  26th.) 
Hawes,  Thomas  J. — Company  D. 

Henry,  John — -Company  I. 

Hicks,  Charles  D. — Company  D. 

Iler,  William — Company  D. 

Johnson,  Edward  F. — Company  G. 

Johnson.  Henry — Company  I. 

Johnson.  Peter — Company  D. 

Keegan,  Patrick — Company  D. 

Keel,  Jesse  F. — Company  F.  (March  26th.) 
Kemball,  Henry — Company  I. 

Kohler,  John — Company  D. 

Logan,  C.  W. — Company  F.  (March  26th.) 
Laughlin,  Matthew — Company  D. 

McDonald.  Angus — Company  K. 

Meggers,  Frederick — Company  I. 

Muxlow,  William — Company  G. 

Newcomer,  John — Company  D. 

Niedhardt,  George — Company  I. 

Oleson,  Ole — Company  I. 

Oren,  H.  H. — Company  K. 

Osborne,  Edward  W. — Company  G. 

Owens,  George — Company  D. 

Patterson,  M.  A. — Company  F.  (March  26th.) 
Pierce,  Isaac  N. — Company  C. 

Pratt,  A.  B.— Company  F.  (March  26th.) 
Prickett,  Edward — Company  D. 

Rail,  Philip — Company  C. 

Ritter,  Simon — Company  A. 

Schneider,  John  T. — Company  C. 

Smith,  John — Company  I. 

Tosh,  Joseph  W. — Company  C. 

Wales,  Thomas  H. — Company  Iv. 

Ward,  Peter — Company  1. 


T5° 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


Wilbur,  Charles  E. — Company  D. 

Wilcox,  Willis — Company  C. 

Yates,  Richard — Company  C. 

AT  PERALTA. 

Colonel  Canby’s  report  of  the  affair  at  Peralta  says  his  loss  there 
was  “one  killed  and  three  wounded.”  Other  records,  principally 
those  of  the  Colorado  adjutant-general's  department,  mention  four 
deaths  among  the  Colorado  Volunteers  from  that  engagement,  but 
contain  nothing  as  to  non-fatal  wounds. 

KILLED. 

Hawley,  J.  H. — Company  F. 

Long,  Joseph — Company  C. 

Thompson,  George: — Ford’s  Independent  Company. 

Wilson,  Martin — Company  C. 

In  the  foregoing  lists  of  the  dead  we  have  the  names  of  fifty-six 
men,  and  in  those  of  the  wounded  the  names  of  seventy-two. 
Adding  to  the  latter  the  nineteen  unknown  wounded  at  Valverde 
raises  the  number  of  wounded  to  ninety-one,  making  the  total  casu- 
alties of  the  Colorado  Volunteers,  during  the  campaign,  of  less  than 
three  months’  time,  147.  Of  this  total  the  dead  at  La  Glorieta  num- 
bered forty-eight,  and  the  wounded  sixty-five;  in  all,  113.  There 
was  nearly  a score  of  men  who  were  merely  brushed  or  scratched  at 
La  Glorieta,  and  did  not  go  off  duty  or  have  any  hospital  record,  and 
therefore  are  not  included  in  this  total.  Except  one  man,  of  Ford’s 
Independent  Company,  killed,  and  one  of  Company  A,  First  Colo- 
rado, wounded,  these  La  Glorieta  losses  were  borne  by  Companies 
C,  D,  F,  G,  1 and  K of  the  regiment.  Company  A,  as  the  reader 
has  seen,  was  in  the  first  fight  there,  but  it  escaped  loss;  and  in  the 
second  fight  Ford’s  company  and  Companies  A,  B,  E and  H were 
in  Chivington’s  division,  that  destroyed  the  Confederate  encamp- 
ment and  wagon  train  at  Johnson’s  ranch,  in  which  enterprise  only 
one  man,  a member  of  Company  A,  was  injured. 

The  brunt  of  the  La  Glorieta  losses  fell  upon  Company  D.  Cap- 
tain Downing,  and  Company  I,  Captain  Mailie.  Captain  Downing 


CONCLUSION. 


T5ir 

had  sixteen  men  killed  and  twenty  wounded;  the  extraordinary 
total  of  thirty-six — the  heaviest  casualties  sustained  by  any  com- 
pany organization  engaged  in  the  campaign.  Captain  Mailie's  were 
nearly  as  many — fifteen  killed  and  fifteen  wounded.  In  each  of 
these  companies  there  were  several  men  touched  skin  deep,  but  who 
are  not  counted  here. 


Types  of  Arms  Used  by  the  Colorado  Volunteers  in  the  New  Mexico  Campaign. 

( From  a photograph  of  weapons  in  the  varied  collection  in  the  War-relic  Department 
of  the  Headquarters  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  Department  of  Colorado 
and  Wyoming,  in  the  Capitol  at  Denver.) 

The  reader  is  reminded  that  the  casualties  enumerated  above  are 
only  those  which  occurred  among  the  Colorado  Volunteers.  Of 
those  of  the  several  small  detachments  of  other  troops  that  fought 
in  the  Apache  canon  and  at  Pigeon's  ranch  no  reports  were  avail- 
able. Such  losses  as  those  in  the  two  conflicts  that  constituted 
the  battle  of  La  Glorieta,  occurring  proportionately  in  a struggle 
between  two  of  the  immense  armies  in  the  East,  would  have  appalled 
the  country — North  and  South.  While  the  Union  casualty  list  is 
long,  that  of  the  Confederates  probably  was  twice  its  length,  and 
possibly  even  more. 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


!52 

Probably  some  Colorado  Volunteers  were  wounded  in  the  final 
fight  with  Sibley's  forces  at  Peralta,  and  survived  their  injuries, 
but  no  record  of  them  could  be  found. 

The  number  of  deaths  from  disease  among  the  Colorado  troops, 
from  the  time  they  were  mustered  into  the  service  until  the  defeat 

and  retreat  of  General  Sibley’s 
army,  was  remarkably  small, 
not  exceeding  eight  or  ten,  a 
fact  in  which  was  reflected  the 
excellent  physical  character  of 
the  men.  In  Tulv,  1862,  three 
were  drowned  in  the  Rio 
Grande  — Sergeant  John  Call- 
ery  of  Company  C,  First  Colo- 
rado, on  the  5th,  at  Fort  Craig; 
Frank  Quinn,  of  Ford's  Inde- 
pendent Company,  on  the  6th, 
at  Fort  Craig,  and  Harvey  A. 
Murphy,  of  Company  A,  First 
Colorado,  on  the  22 d,  at  Val- 
verde. 

In  the  spring  of  1862,  after 
the  Peralta  fight  with  General 
Sibley’s  decimated  and  retreat- 
ing command,  there  were  sev- 
eral resignations  and  various 
promotions  among  the  com- 
pany officers  of  the  First  Colo- 
rado. Chivingtcn  having  become  colonel  of  the  regiment,  Captain 
Wynkoop,  of  Company  A,  was  promoted  major  to  succeed  him. 
At  that  time,  also,  Lieutenant  Roath,  of  Company  D,  and  Lieuten- 
ant Sanford,  of  Company  E,  resigned;  and  at  the  close  of  May 
Captain  Sopris  and  Lieutenant  Cobb,  of  Company  C,  and  in  June 
Captain  Mailie,  of  Company  I,  likewise  retired.  Lieutenant  Cham- 
bers, of  Company  C.  who  had  been  so  badly  wounded  at  La  Glorieta. 
and  who  died  of  his  injuries  in  the  following  March,  was  promoted 


Captain  Edward  W.  Wynkoop. 

(From  a war-time  photograph  in  the 
State  Historical  and  Natural  His- 
tory Society's  collection.) 

Captain  Wynkoop  was  promoted  Major 
of  the  First  Colorado  Regiment  in 
April,  1862,  for  distinguished  serv- 
ices. 


CONCLUSION. 


153 


captain,  but  only  to  be  discharged,  on  account  of  disability,  in  No- 
vember of  that  year.  Following  these  advancements  and  resigna- 
tions, and  to  fill  one  or  two  other  vacancies,  there  were  many  pro- 
motions in  regular  order,  and  several  transfers  from  one  company 
to  another.  Lieutenants  moved  a step  higher,  and  sergeants  became 
lieutenants.  But  I shall  leave  the  particulars  of  these  promotions 
to  some  one  who  may  undertake  the  worthy  task  of  writing  in  full 
the  history  of  all  of  Colorado’s  volunteer  military  organizations  in 
the  War  for  the  Union. 

On  July  4th  Colonel  Chivington  was  relieved  of  the  command  of 
Fort  Craig  and  of  the  Southern  District  by  Colonel  Howe,  of  the 
Third  United  States  Cavalry.  He  then  reported  in  person  to 
Colonel  Canbv  at  Santa  Fe,  and  procured  an  order  to  move  the 
First  Colorado  to  Fort  Union,  and  also  obtained  leave  of  absence 
to  proceed  to  Washington  for  the  purpose  of  seeking  to  have  his 
regiment  made  a cavalry  organization  and  transferred  to  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac.  Of  the  outcome  of  Colonel  Chivington's  mission 
to  the  national  capital,  and  of  the  further  services  of  the  regiment 
after  the  close  of  the  campaign  in  New  Mexico,  General  Frank 
Hall,  in  his  History  of  Colorado  (1889),  says  (volume  I,  page  286 
and  page  287)  : 

“He  failed  to  obtain  the  transfer  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
but  by  dint  of  great  perseverance  he  did  obtain  an  order  of  transfer 
to  the  cavalry  arm,  and  for  the  relief  of  his  regiment  from  further 
service  in  New  Mexico ; also  for  its  return  to  Colorado  for  service 
there,  where  it  arrived  in  detachments  about  the  first  of  January, 
1863,  and  was  mounted,  and  continued  in  the  sendee  in  Colorado 
and  the  adjacent  territories  during  the  remainder  of  the  war.  The 
horses  and  horse  equipments  and  change  of  arms,  etc.,  were  received 
and  the  regiment  was  mounted  soon  after  its  arrival  in  the  territorv 
of  Colorado,  and  was  then  distributed  at  the  various  posts  in  that 
territory,  and  at  several  camps  established,  to  render  it  more  effect- 
ive in  holding  in  check  the  Indians  who  had  become  hostile.  And 
it  may  be  observed  here  that  the  Indian  outbreak,  from  New  Ulm, 
Minnesota  to  the  Arkansas  river,  was  as  veritable  a part  of  the  Re- 
bellion as  the  revolt  of  the  whites  in  any  part  of  the  Southern 
states.  K 

“After  New  Mexico  had  been  liberated  there  were  no  further 
glories,  no  more  battlefields,  for  the  First  Colorado.  Though  some 


154  COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 

of  its  detached  companies  rendered  efficient  service  in  the  Indian 
wars  which  ensued,  as  a whole  its  record  ended  with  the  flight  of 
Sibley.  * * 

Such  a regiment  as  the  First  Colorado  had  proved  itself  to  be, 
inspired  by  such  a leader  as  Chivington  had  proved  himself  to  he, 
certainly  would  have  still  further  highly  distinguished  itself  had 

its  field  of  action  been  widened  by 
the  transfer  of  the  organization  to 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  for  which 
Chivington  had  appealed,  but  which, 
to  his  great  disappointment,  and  to 
that  of  his  men,  also,  was  denied. 

The  other  two  organizations  of 
Colorado  Volunteers  which  partici- 
pated in  the  New  Mexico  campaign 
— the  independent  companies  of 
Captains  Ford  and  Dodd — remained 
in  that  territory  until  well  into  the 
next  year,  doing  duty  at  Fort  Craig, 
Santa  Fe  and  Fort  Union.  At  the 
time  when  General  Sibley  began  his 
retreat  down  the  Rio  Grande  val- 
ley, Dodd’s  company  was  still  a 
part  of  Colonel  Canby's  immediate 
command,  and  Ford’s  went  into  the 
valley  with  the  First  Colorado  regiment  to  join  Canby,  with  whose 
army  it  proceeded  to  Fort  Craig.  Late  in  the  spring  of  1863  the 
two  companies  returned  to  Colorado  to  take  their  places  in  the  Sec- 
ond regiment  of  Colorado  Volunteer  Infantry,  for  which  they  were 
originally  intended,  but  which  had  been  delayed  in  coming  into  ex- 
istence. Ford's  became  Company  A and  Dodd’s  Company  B,  a re- 
versal of  their  designations  when  mustered  into  the  service  in  De- 
cember, 1861.  Captain  Dodd  was  promoted  lieutenant-colonel  of 
the  regiment  and  Captain  Ford  major.  Later,  Colonel  Jesse  H. 
Leavenworth  having  been  removed,  Dodd  was  promoted  colonel. 
In  the  winter  of  1863-4  the  Second  was  consolidated  with  the  in- 


Captain  Scott  J.  Anthony. 

(From  a war-time  photograph 
loaned  by  Mr.  Samuel  C.  Dor- 
sey, of  Denver.) 

Captain  Anthony  was  promoted 
Major  of  the  First  Colorado 
Regiment  when  it  was  made 
a cavalry  organization. 


) 


CONCLUSION. 


1 55 

complete  Third  regiment  of  Colorado  Volunteer  Infantry,  the  new 
organization  1 eing  converted  into  the  Second  regiment  of  Colorado 
Volunteer  Cavalry,  of  which  Major  Ford,  who  eventually  attained 
the  rank  of  brigadier-general,  was  promoted  colonel,  with  Dodd  as 
lieutenant-colonel. 

The  people  of  Xew  Mexico,  through  their  legislature,  erected  in 
the  plaza  at  Santa  Fe,  within  three  years  after  the  close  of  the  Civil 
War,  a plain  and  unpretending  soldiers’  monument,  having  four 
marble  tablets,  on  two  of  which  are  appropriate  inscriptions  that 
honor  the  soldiers  of  the  Federal  army  who  fell  in  the  engagements 
with  the  Confederates  in  the  territory.  These  several  inscriptions 
read  as  follows : 

“Erected  by  the  People  of  New  Mexico,  through  their  Legisla- 
tures of  1866.  '7,  ’8.  May  the  Union  be  Perpetuated.” 

“To  the  Heroes  who  have  Fallen  in  the  Various  Battles  with 
Savage  Indians  in  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico." 

“To  the  Heroes  of  the  Federal  Army  who  fell  at  the  Battle  of 
Valverde,  fought  with  the  Rebels,  February  21.  1862." 

"To  the  Heroes  of  the  Federal  Army  who  fell  at  the  Battles  in 
Canon  del  Apache  and  Pigeon's  Rancho  (La  Glorieta),  foug’ht  with 
the  Rebels,  March  28,  1862;  and  to  those  who  fell  at  the  Battle 
fought  with  the  Rebels  at  Peralto,  April  15,  1862." 

Laying  the  corner  stone  of  this  monument  was  made  the  occa- 
sion of  a rather  elaborate  and  impressive  ceremony,  in  which  the 
governor  of  Colorado  territory,  “the  soldiers  of  Colorado  Regi- 
ments," and  “the  people  of  the  Territory  of  Colorado  generally,” 
were  invited  to  participate,  as  witness  the  following  communication 
received  by  Governor  A.  C.  Hunt : 

“Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico,  October  1,  1867. 

“Governor : 

“The  corner  stone  of  the  monument  to  be  erected  in  honor  of  the 
dead  heroes  of  the  battlefields  of  ‘Valverde,’  ‘Apache  Canon’  and 
‘Pigeon’s  Ranch'  (La  Glcrieta),  in  the  Plaza  of  Santa  Fe,  our 
Capital,  pursuant  to  the  wish  of  the  people  of  this  Territory,  as  ex- 
pressed through  the  Governor  and  the  Legislative  Assembly,  will  be 
laid  with  appropriate  ceremonies  on  Thursday,  the  twenty-fourth 
day  of  the  present  month. 


Catholic  Church.  Governor’s  Palace.  Paroguia.  Catholic  Church. 


Protestant  Church.  Unfinished  Capitol.  Pavilion.  Military  Hospital. 

View  of  Santa  Fe  in  the  Civil  War  Period. 

(From  a photograph — loaned  by  Mr.  Max.  Frost,  of  Santa  Fe — of  a painting  by  Anthony  Kellner,  a private  soldier  of  the  Fifth  Regiment  United 

States  Infantry.) 


CONCLUSION. 


157 


“As  Colorado  mourns  the  loss  of  many  of  her  brave  sons,  who, 
on  the  battlefields  of  this  Territory,  gave  their  lives  in  defense  of 
the  Constitution  and  the  Union,  it  is  hoped  that  your  Territory  will 
be  represented  on  the  occasion. 

“In  behalf,  therefore,  of  the  grateful  people  of  New  Mexico,  we 
extend  to  you,  and  through  you  to  the  soldiers  of  Colorado  Regi- 
ments, and  to  the  people  of  Colorado  Territory  generally,  an  invita- 
tion to  be  present  and  participate  in  the  ceremonies  of  the  occasion. 

“We  are.  Governor, 

“With  much  respect,  your  most  ob't  serv’ts, 

“H.  H.  HEATH, 

"Secretary  of  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico. 

“JOHN  P.  SLOUGH. 

“Chief  Justice  of  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico. 

“FELIPE  DELGADO. 

“Treasurer  Monument  Association. 

"To  the  Governor  of  Colorado  Territory,  Golden  City,  C.  T." 

Upon  receipt  of  this  invitation  a call  was  issued  for  a public 
meeting,  at  Denver  City,  of  the  soldiers  of  Colorado,  to  appoint  a 
committee  to  attend  and  take  part  in  the  ceremonies  of  laying  the 
corner  stone  of  the  Santa  Fe  monument.  The  meeting  appointed 
the  following  named  gentlemen  to  constitute  this  committee : 
Former  Governor  John  Evans.  D.  Washington  Griffey  and  Charles 
G.  Chever.  This  committee  went  to  Santa  Fe  at  the  appointed  time 
and  received  a warm  welcome.  LTpon  its  return  its  members  made 
the  following  public  report : 

“Denver.  November  3,  1867. 

"To  the  Soldiers  of  Colorado: 

“Gentlemen : In  pursuance  of  your  request,  we  were  present  at 
the  ceremonies  of  laying  the  corner  stone  of  the  monument  being 
erected  by  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico  in  memory  of  the  patriotic 
dead  who  fell  on  her  battlefields. 

"It  was  especially  gratifying  to  your  committee,  as  it  must  be  to 
you,  to  witness  this  public  work  of  respect  to  your  fallen  comrades ; 
and  the  hospitality  of  the  people  of  New  Mexico,  extended  to  your 
committee,  shows  how  fully  they  appreciated  those  we  represented. 
As  a mark  of  the  gratitude  felt  by  the  people  of  that  Territorv  for 
the  valiant  services  rendered  them  in  the  hour  of  their  peril,  they 


COLORADO  VOLUNTEERS  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


are  worthy  of  your  highest  appreciation.  But  especially  should 
their  course,  in  erecting  this  monument  to  the  memory  of  those  who 
fell  in  the  cause  of  freedom  and  our  common  country,  commend 
their  patriotism  and  loyalty  to  our  warmest  approbation  and  most 
heartv  thanks. 


Soldier’s  Monument  in  the  Plaza  at  Santa  Fe. 

(From  a photograph  in  the  State  Historical  and  Natural  History  Society’s  collection.) 

“Herewith  please  find  a copy  of  the  proceedings  of  the  ceremony 
of  laying  the  corner  stone,  and  believe  us, 

“Very  respectfully, 

“Your  obedient  servants, 

“JOHN  EVANS. 

“D.  WASHINGTON  GRIFFEY. 
“CHARLES  G.  CHEVER.” 

The  corner  stone  was  laid  under  the  auspices  of  the  Order  of 
Free  and  Accepted  Masons,  and  with  the  customary  ceremonies  of 
that  organization.  A large  number  and  variety  of  documents  and 


CONCLUSION. 


*59 


other  things  were  deposited  in  it,  among  which  was  a parchment 
bearing  the  names  of  all  of  the  Union  officers  who  fought  in  the 
battles  of  Valverde,  La  Glorieta  and  Peralta.  It  was  the  intention 
of  the  Monument  Association  also  to  deposit  in  the  stone  a com- 
plete list  of  the  names  of  the  dead  to  whom  the  memorial  was 
raised,  but  these  could  not  be  obtained  in  time.  The  association 
then  comforted  itself  with  the  belief  that  they  could  be  collected 
later,  and  “deposited  in  another  part  of  the  monument,  with  suitable 
reference." 

The  time  will  surely  come  when  some  worthy  memorial,  either  a 
towering  shaft  or  a public  edifice,  will  be  raised  and  dedicated  by 
the  people  of  Colorado,  in  their  capital  city,  to  their  hardy  and 
intrepid  volunteers  who  fought  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union ; 
and  especially  to  those  who  constituted  their  First  regiment,  whose 
staunch  patriotism  and  willing  sacrifices  were  exhibited,  without 
any  reserve,  in  aiding  so  effectively  to  preserve  a vast  territory  in 
the  West  and  in  the  Southwest  to  the  Union,  and  whose  riddled 
and  torn  battle  flag  is  still  cherished  as  a sacred  emblem. 


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